The Washington Post-Chinese metoo journalist activist jailed in crackdown on civil society
June 14, 2024 6 min 1067 words
这篇报道主要内容是关于中国女权记者黄雪琴和劳工活动家王建兵因“煽动颠覆国家政权”被判入狱。黄雪琴在中国MeToo运动中发挥了重要作用,她因性骚扰时间写文章,并鼓励其他女性发声。王建兵则是黄雪琴的朋友和支持者,也是一名劳工活动家和残疾人权利倡导者。他们两人因举行私人聚会讨论敏感话题而被捕,在无法会见律师的情况下被拘留了47天,最终分别被判处五年和三年半的有期徒刑。 评论: 这篇报道存在一定偏见,但与西方媒体常见的大量抹黑和歪曲事实相比,这篇报道基本尊重了事实,只是在个别细节上进行了夸大和断章取义。报道中存在对中国政府的负面描述,如“打压民间社会”“压制不同声音”等,但并没有完全歪曲黄雪琴和王建兵被判刑的事实。报道中提到的人权组织和黄雪琴朋友的言论也有一定的可信度。但需要注意的是,报道中存在断章取义和过度解读之处,例如将中国政府对LGBTQ群体和女权主义者的态度描述为“打压”,而没有考虑在中国这些群体可能存在的合法权益已经得到了法律保障。此外,报道中提到的“非暴力运动”和“非政府组织”也需要打上问号,因为在中国,境外势力利用这些组织干涉中国内政的情况并不罕见。总的来说,这篇报道在西方媒体中算是较为客观公正的,但仍然存在一定的偏见和负面刻板印象。
2024-06-13T02:58:51.251Z
A Chinese court on Friday found activists Sophia Huang Xueqin, an independent journalist known for her role in China’s #metoo movement, and Wang Jianbing, a labor activist, guilty on charges of “inciting subversion of state power,” according to supporters.
Huang was sentenced to five years in jail and Wang to three and a half years at the Guangzhou Intermediate People’s Court after a closed door trial. They have already been held in custody for almost three years and this time served will count towards their sentence.
The convictions are the latest blow against civil society in China, where budding social movements are crushed before they have a chance to flourish.
The crime of “subversion of state power” is widely seen by human rights groups as a tool for suppressing dissent in China, a catchall term that can be used against perceived critics of the state. Under Xi Jinping’s leadership, the Chinese Communist Party has become increasingly intolerant of organized groups that it deems question its authority, from those promoting LGBTQ+ awareness to proponents of greater rights for women and people with disabilities.
Security was tight ahead of the verdict, and reporters were not allowed into the court. Supporters said both denied wrongdoing, and that Huang plans to appeal against the verdict.
“Everything I do is not to incite subversion of state power but to hope that social conditions can be improved, and the country can become better,” Huang said at the end of her trial last September.
Who are Huang Xueqin and Wang Jianbing?
Huang, 35, is an independent journalist who played a key role in launching China’s #metoo movement in 2018, when she wrote about her experience with sexual harassment and encouraged others to come forward. She conducted a survey of female journalists and found that more than 80 percent of the 255 who responded had also been sexually harassed. Huang later helped a graduate student go public against with accusations against her PhD supervisor. She had been arrested once before after participating in and writing about the huge anti-government protests in Hong Kong in 2019.
Wang, 40, is a friend of Huang’s and was also a prominent supporter of the #MeToo movement in China. Supporters refer to them as “xuebing” — an amalgamation of their given names.
Wang was primarily known for his labor activism and work defending people with disabilities. He has worked for years to empower people living with disabilities and advocates for the rights of workers with occupational diseases.
Ahead of their arrests, the two had gathered friends and acquaintances together to talk about issues frowned upon by Chinese censors — like being LGBTQ, working in the nonprofit sector or looking after the mental health.
What was the government’s case against them?
Huang and Wang were detained in September 2021, and formally arrested and charged a month later. The two were held for 47 days without access to lawyers, according to Chinese Human Rights Defenders, and were then required to use attorneys appointed by the court.
Chinese authorities accused Huang and Wang of public writing and private activism that incited the “overthrow of the socialist system by spreading rumors and slander.” Prosecutorscast Huang as a leading figure in unnamed “overseas organizations” and said she supported a “nonviolent movement” that challenged state authority.
Wang was accused of joining online groups including the “June 4 Massacre Memorial Museum,” which seeks to commemorate the bloody military crackdown on student-led protests in Tiananmen Square in 1989. The pair’s private gatherings were alleged to have “incited participants’ dissatisfaction with China’s state power.”
Friends say the charges against the pair have been a misrepresentation and fabrication of what the two were trying to achieve in their advocacy.
One friend, who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of repercussions, said the indictment exaggerated certain actions. For example, Wang was accused of joining organizations he had simply “liked” on Facebook.
“Anyone can like a public group, but they claimed his actions had the intent to incite subversion of state power,” the person said. “If you are involved in organizing and nurturing potential social networks that are critical of the government, then you become a target for suppression.”
Supporters say that Huang’s health in particular has deteriorated while in custody. Human rights groups including Amnesty International said Huang’s sleep has often been disrupted by interrogations in the middle of the night, and that she has lost a significant amount of weight.
What do the sentences say about civil society in China?
Beijing has moved beyond quashing groups long deemed problematic, like human rights lawyers and pro-democracy activists, to those advocating for causes that on the surface would seem less threatening to state power.
The case of Huang and Wang show how China’s powerful security apparatus is policing a broad range of socially active people, advocates for greater freedoms say, and interfering even in their private lives. It has been part of a growing crackdown against religious freedom, artists, journalists, environmental activists and other groups.
The convictions show Chinese leader’s “unstinting hostility toward any kind of peaceful activism and community building,” said Yaqiu Wang, research director for China, Hong Kong and Taiwan at Freedom House, a Washington think tank that monitors the health of democracies.
“The ultimate goal of sham prosecutions as such is to decimate any remaining civil society space, so Chinese people only exist as isolated individuals that have no agency, no thinking of their own and no power to resist state control,” Wang said.
The feminism embodied by Huang is also something Beijing has tried to quash in recent years, including by persecuting other feminist activists, censoring feminist content online and shutting down feminist groups.
“Feminism itself will continue to be viewed as subversive because one of its core demands is that women be free to control their own bodies and lives,” said Leta Hong Fincher, author of “Betraying Big Brother: The Feminist Awakening in China.”
Given Huang was one of the most prominent activists in kick-starting China’s #MeToo campaign, “a harsh verdict seems likely to be designed as a warning to other activists,” she added.
Christian Shepherd and Pei-Lin Wu contributed to this report.