纽约时报中文网 - 中英对照版-中英耳目与监控习近平如何将系统性控制嵌入中国人日常生活

The wall in the police station was covered in sheets of paper, one for every building in the sprawling Beijing apartment complex. Each sheet was further broken down by unit, with names, phone numbers and other information on the residents.

派出所的墙上贴满了纸，每张纸对应这个庞大的北京居住小区的一栋楼。纸上按照单元细分，上面有住户的姓名、电话号码以及其他信息。

Perhaps the most important detail, though, was how each unit was color-coded. Green meant trustworthy. Yellow, needing attention. Orange required “strict control.”

不过，最重要的细节可能是每个单元都用颜色进行了编码。绿色是可以放心的。黄色是需要关注。而橙色则需要严管。

A police officer inspected the wall. Then he leaned forward to mark a third-floor apartment in yellow. The residents in that unit changed often, and therefore were “high risk,” his note said. He would follow up on them later.

一名警官审视着这堵墙，然后上前用黄色标注了三楼的一套公寓。他在便签上写道，该单元的住户流动性大，因此属于“高风险”。他稍后会跟进他们的情况。

“I’ve built a system to address hidden dangers in my jurisdiction,” the officer said, in a video by the local government that praised his work as a model of innovative policing.

“针对辖区各类隐患，总结提炼‘鉴事、见人、建情’工作机制，”这名警官说道。在当地政府发布的这条视频中，他的工作被称赞为创新警务的典范。

This is the kind of local governance that China’s top leader, Xi Jinping, wants: more visible, more invasive, always on the lookout for real or perceived threats. Officers patrol apartment buildings listening for feuding neighbors. Officials recruit retirees playing chess outdoors as extra eyes and ears. In the workplace, employers are required to appoint “safety consultants” who report regularly to the police.

这就是中国最高领导人习近平想要的那种基层治理：更具可见性，更具侵入性，时刻警惕真实存在的或感觉到的威胁。警察扎进社区，掌握邻里纠纷情况。招募在户外下棋的退休人员充当额外的耳目。在工作单位，雇主被要求任命“安全顾问”，定期向警方汇报。

The Chinese Communist Party has long wielded perhaps the world’s most sweeping surveillance apparatus against activists and others who might possibly voice discontent. Then, during the coronavirus pandemic, the surveillance reached an unprecedented scale, tracking virtually every urban resident in the name of preventing infections.

长期以来，中国共产党对活动人士和其他有可能表达不满的人实施了或许是世界上最为广泛的监控。随后，在疫情期间，监控达到了前所未有的规模，以预防感染的名义跟踪几乎每一位城市居民。

Now, it is clear that Mr. Xi wants to make that expanded control permanent, and to push it even further.

现在，很明显，习近平想让这种扩大控制永久化，并进一步推进。

The goal is no longer just to address specific threats, such as the virus or dissidents. It is to embed the party so deeply in daily life that no trouble, no matter how seemingly minor or apolitical, can even arise.

其目标不再仅仅是解决特定的威胁，如病毒或持不同政见者，而是要将党深深嵌入到日常生活中，使任何麻烦——无论看起来多么微不足道或无涉政治，都不会出现。

Mr. Xi has branded this effort the “Fengqiao experience for a new era.” The Beijing suburb in the propaganda video, Zhangjiawan, was recently recognized in state media as a national exemplar of the approach.

习近平将其称为“新时代枫桥经验”。那段宣传视频中提到的北京郊区的张家湾，最近被官方媒体誉为这种做法的全国典范。

“Fengqiao” refers to a town where, during the Mao era, the party encouraged residents to “re-educate” purported political enemies, through so-called struggle sessions where people were publicly insulted and humiliated until they admitted crimes such as writing anti-communist poetry.

所谓枫桥是毛时代的一个小镇，那里创造了一种发动群众，通过批斗会对阶级敌人加强专政的经验。在批斗会上，阶级敌人受到公开侮辱和羞辱，直到他们承认写了反动诗等罪行。

Mr. Xi, who invokes Fengqiao regularly in major speeches, has not called for a revival of struggle sessions, in which supposed offenders were sometimes beaten or tortured. But the idea is the same: harnessing ordinary people alongside the police to suppress any challenges to the party and uphold the party’s legitimacy.

习近平经常在重要讲话中提到枫桥，他没有呼吁恢复批斗——在批斗会上，所谓的犯罪分子有时会遭到殴打或折磨。但思路是一样的：发动人民群众跟警察一起，来消灭对党的任何挑战，维护党的合法性。

The party casts this as a public service. By having “zero distance” from the people, it can more quickly gather suggestions about, say, garbage collection or save residents the trouble of going to court over business disputes. Instead, conflicts are hashed out by party mediators.

中共将此视为一项公共服务。通过与人们保持“零距离”，它可以更快地收集各种建议，比如关于垃圾收集方面的建议，或者为居民省去因商业纠纷而上法庭的麻烦。取而代之的是，冲突由党的调解员来化解。

Mr. Xi frequently points to the Fengqiao experience as proof that the party is responsive to people’s needs and desires, even as he has smothered free expression and dissent.

习近平经常以枫桥经验为例，来证明党重视人民的需求和愿望，尽管他压制了言论自由和异议。

It is also an effort to assert his political legacy. Top officials have hailed Fengqiao as an example of Mr. Xi’s visionary leadership, while scholars have described it as “a model for showcasing Chinese governance to the world.”

这也是为了维护其政治遗产的一种努力。高层官员称赞枫桥是习近平高瞻远瞩的典范，而学者则将其描述为“展示‘中国之治’的一张金名片”。

The campaign strengthens Beijing’s repressive abilities at a time of mounting challenges. With China’s economy slowing, protests about unpaid wages and unfinished homes have increased. Tensions with the West have led Beijing to warn of omnipresent foreign spies. The party has also tightened scrutiny of groups like feminists, students and L.G.B.T. rights activists.

在挑战日益严峻之际，这场运动加强了北京的镇压能力。随着中国经济增长放缓，有关拖欠工资和未完工房屋的抗议日益增多。与西方的紧张关系导致北京发出了外国间谍无处不在的警告。中共还加强了对女权主义者、学生和LGBT维权人士等群体的审查。

In the name of Fengqiao, the police have visited Tibetans, Uyghurs and other minority groups in their homes, promoting party policies. Companies have been required to register their employees in police databases. Government workers have given “anti-cult” lectures at churches. Police officers and judges have been installed in elementary schools as “deputy principals of law,” keeping files on students’ perceived risk levels.

警察以枫桥经验之名，到藏族、维吾尔族和其他少数民族家中探访，宣传党的政策。警方要求企业把员工信息录入警方数据库。政府工作人员在教堂里做“反邪教”的讲座。公检法系统安排工作人员到小学担任“法治副校长”，对学生的风险水平做出判断并记录在案。

But by blocking even mild or apolitical criticism, the party could also erode the very legitimacy it is trying to project.

然而，对哪怕是温和的或无涉政治的批评进行封阻，中共也可能削弱其试图展示的合法性。

A Mao Idea, Repurposed

对毛的想法的再利用

Mr. Xi’s interest in the Fengqiao experience dates back two decades, to when he was still ascending the ranks of power.

习近平对枫桥经验的兴趣可以追溯到20年前，当时他还在权力的上升阶段。

The year was 2003, and Mr. Xi had just been named party secretary of Zhejiang Province in China’s east. China’s economic opening had brought great wealth to the province, but also led to rising crime. Mr. Xi was looking for a solution. According to official media reports, he turned to a small Zhejiang town called Fengqiao.

那是2003年，习近平刚刚被任命为中国东部浙江省的省委书记。中国的经济开放为该省带来了巨大的财富，但也导致了犯罪率上升。习近平寻找解决方案。据官方媒体报道，他把目光转向了浙江的一个小镇——枫桥。

The town had entered party lore in the 1960s, after Mao exhorted the Chinese people to confront “class enemies,” such as landlords or rich farmers. In the official telling, Fengqiao residents at first clamored for the police to make arrests. But local party leaders instead urged the residents themselves to identify and “re-educate” the enemies.

20世纪60年代，在毛主席号召人民群众与地主、富农等“阶级敌人”展开直接斗争，这个小镇由此成为党的历史传述的一部分。根据官方说法，枫桥的民众起初要求警察将他们抓起来。但当地党的领导人却敦促人民群众自己辨别并“改造”敌人。

Ultimately, nearly 1,000 people were labeled reactionaries, according to Fengqiao officials. They and their families had trouble finding work, going to school or even getting married. Mao declared the “Fengqiao experience” a model for the country. Not long after, he launched the Cultural Revolution, another mass movement that led to a decade of bloodshed.

据枫桥官员说，最后有近1000人被贴上了反动派的标签。他们和家人在找工作、上学甚至结婚方面都遇到了困难。毛宣布在全国推广“枫桥经验”。不久之后，他发动了文化大革命，这是另一场导致了十年流血冲突的群众运动。

After Mao died, the phrase fell out of favor, as his successors distanced themselves from the chaos of his rule.

毛泽东死后，他的继任者希望与他统治时期的混乱保持距离，“枫桥经验”再也无人提及。

Mr. Xi, though, embraced the phrase. His first visit to Fengqiao in 2003 was to the local police station, where he inspected an exhibition about the 1960s. Months later, he visited again and praised the idea of nipping problems in the bud. “Though the situation and responsibilities we face have changed, the Fengqiao experience is not outdated,” he said.

但习近平没有忘记它。2003年他第一次来到枫桥，参观了当地派出所举办的关于20世纪60年代的一个展览。几个月后，他再次前往，对把问题消灭在萌芽状态的理念大加赞赏。“虽然面临的形势任务都发生了变化，但‘枫桥经验’没有过时，”他说。

Mr. Xi’s call for more social control was part of a broader shift by the party, amid the rapid change of the 2000s, toward “stability maintenance” — a catchall term for containing social problems and silencing dissent.

在本世纪头十年的快速变化中，习近平呼吁加强社会控制，这是中共向“维稳”转变的一部分。“维稳”是遏制社会问题和压制异见的统称。

After Mr. Xi became top leader in 2012, he redoubled that focus. Mentions of Fengqiao in state media became ubiquitous. Then came the coronavirus pandemic — and the government began tracking individuals’ movements down to the minute.

在2012年成为最高领导人后，习近平加倍重视稳定。在官方媒体上，枫桥经验变得无处不在。然后新冠疫情暴发——政府开始对个人行踪进行精确到分钟的追踪。

It did so partly through technology, requiring residents to download mobile health apps. But it also leaned on old-fashioned labor. Using a method called “grid management,” the authorities divided cities into blocks of a few hundred households, assigning workers to each. Those workers went door to door to enforce testing requirements and quarantines, sometimes by sealing people into their homes.

之所以能做到这点部分靠的是技术，政府要求居民把健康码下载到手机上。但也靠传统的人力。当局使用一种名为“网格管理”的办法，将城市划分为多个网格，每个网格有几百户人家，有专门的工作人员负责。这些工作人员挨家挨户地执行政府的病毒检测要求，对居民进行隔离，有时甚至将他们封在家中。

State media hailed China’s early success in containing Covid as proof of the Fengqiao experience’s continued utility. Chinese research papers described Fengqiao-style policing during the pandemic as a model for crisis management around the world.

官方媒体曾称赞中国在遏制新冠疫情上的早期成功，将其视为“枫桥经验”仍然有效的证据。中国学者写了有关疫情期间警察用“枫桥经验”维护治安的研究论文，将其描述为世界各地危机管理的典范。

When people began to chafe at the restrictions — culminating in nationwide protests in 2022 — the granular approach proved its utility in another way, as the police used facial recognition cameras and informants to track down participants.

人民开始对这些限制感到不满，最终在2022年底出现了全国各地的抗议活动后，这种细粒化控制以另一种方式证明了其实用性，让警方能通过人脸识别摄像头和线人来追踪抗议活动参与者。

“The architecture is there,” said Minxin Pei, a professor at Claremont McKenna College who recently published a book about China’s surveillance state. “After three years of lockdowns, seeing how the system works probably gave them a lot of insights.”

克莱蒙特麦肯纳学院的裴敏欣教授认为，“整个体系已经搭建完成。”他最近出版了一本关于中国的政府监控的书。“三年的封控让政府看到了这个系统如何工作，可能给他们提供了很多启示。”

A Push to Penetrate Daily Life

推动系统渗透到日常生活中

The Covid controls are gone. The stepped-up surveillance is not.

遏制新冠疫情的封控消失了。加强监控的做法没有消失。

It is clear now that the government’s heightened intrusiveness during the pandemic was an acceleration of a longer-term project. Mr. Xi’s goal is to deploy the masses to bolster the party, as Mao had done, but without the turmoil. That is where technology and the police come in, to ensure people never slip out of control.

现已明显的是，政府在新冠病毒大流行期间加强的侵扰是在加速一个长期项目。习近平的目标是像毛泽东那样，为加强中共统治有效地利用群众，但不要引发动乱。这就是科技手段和警察的作用所在，以确保人民永远不会失控。

“This is the next iteration” of the party’s obsession with stifling unrest, said Suzanne Scoggins, a professor at Clark University in Massachusetts who has studied Chinese policing.

这是痴迷镇压骚乱的中共“的新做法”，在马萨诸塞州克拉克大学研究中国警务的教授苏珊娜·斯科金斯说。

And Beijing is pushing to expand it rapidly. It has encouraged local governments to hire many more workers to watch assigned grids. Last month, the party also issued its first-ever top-level guidance on the management of such workers, calling for stronger ideological training and formalized rewards and punishments.

中国政府正在推动快速扩大这个做法。中央鼓励地方政府雇更多工作人员，派去指定网格掌握情况。上个月，中共还首次发布了如何管理这类工作人员的高层指导意见，要求强化思想政治教育，健全考核奖惩机制。

Those new grid monitors will supplement the extensive ranks of China’s surveillance workers, which on top of uniformed police and party workers also include as many as 15 million ordinary people recruited as local government informants, according to Professor Pei’s research.

这些新的网格员将进一步壮大中国庞大的监控人员队伍。除了穿制服的警察和中共工作人员外，据裴敏新的研究，这支队伍还包括被招募为地方政府线人的多达1500万的普通民众。

Beijing also deploys vast numbers of “security volunteers,” mostly retirees, during important political meetings or holidays. They are tasked with ensuring the streets look orderly: steering homeless people into shelters, scolding those who litter and alerting the police if they see suspected protesters.

中国政府还在重要的政治会议或节假日期间部署大量“安全志愿者”，他们中的大部分是退休人员。他们的任务是确保街道看起来秩序井然：劝导无家可归的人去收容所，斥责乱扔垃圾的人，发现抗议嫌疑者时报警。

On a recent Thursday in central Beijing, two residents stood on the sidewalk wearing red vests and name tags. They would be there for two hours in the morning and two in the afternoon, guarding their assigned grid unit of three apartment buildings, said one of them, Qi Jinyou, 76. Other duos were stationed regularly down the block.

最近的一个周四，在北京市中心，两名身穿红坎肩、戴着名牌的居民站在人行道上。两人之一是76岁的齐金友（音），他说，他们每天早上和晚上在分配给他们的三栋公寓楼大小的网格街道上各站两小时岗。街道里的其他网格有其他的二人组定期站岗。

Mr. Qi had joined about a year ago, after neighborhood officials called residents at home to recruit. In return, he received gifts like tissues or toothpaste. But he also felt a sense of duty: “We have to protect, right? Safety first.”

大约一年前，街道官员打电话到居民家里招募志愿者时，齐先生加入进来。他收到纸巾或牙膏等礼物作为回报。但他也有一种责任感：“我们需要保护，对吧？安全第一。”

In Zhangjiawan, the Beijing suburb held up as a model of Fengqiao’s successes, some residents praised the increase in patrols. Near a billboard depicting a smiling Mr. Xi, a meat seller named Wang Li said that neighborhood officials often inspected for fire hazards like loose electrical wires, or reminded residents to go for health checkups.

在北京郊区被奉为“枫桥经验”典范的张家湾，一些居民对巡逻人员的增加表示赞赏。在一个绘有面带微笑的习近平的大幅广告牌附近，名叫王丽（音）的肉贩说，街道官员们经常检查火灾隐患（比如是否有电线松动），或提醒居民做体检。

Seeing police cars on patrol when she got off work late, she said, “I feel more at ease.”

当她下班太晚时看到巡逻的警车，“心里就踏实多了，”她说。

‘To Grind You Down’

“磨死你”

Others have seen how the approach can be used to try and compel obedience.

有人已看到了这种做法如何被用来试图强迫人们服从。

On the outskirts of Zhangjiawan, the government is demolishing and redeveloping several villages into a tourist attraction. By January, 98 percent of the roughly 1,700 households had agreed to relocate, thanks to village representatives who had visited homes more than 1,600 times, according to a social media post by the local government touting how the Fengqiao experience had “taken root.”

政府正在为发展旅游景点而拆除张家湾附近几个村庄的房屋。地方政府在社交媒体上发的一篇宣传“枫桥经验”如何在张家湾“落地生根”的帖子里称，约1700户村民中的98%已在今年1月前签约，同意搬迁，这要归功于村代表对这些家庭进行了多达1600次走访。

They “won trust with their professionalism, and intimacy with their sincerity,” the government said.

他们“以专业赢信任，以真心换贴心”，政府的帖子写道。

A villager named Ms. Mu was one of the holdouts. Standing outside the low-slung house that her family had lived in for more than 20 years, she surveyed the fields where neighboring buildings had already been flattened.

坚持不搬迁的村民中有一名姓穆（音）的女子。她站在她家居住了20多年的低矮房屋外，看着周围建筑已被拆除后空出的土地。

Party officials and representatives of the developer had repeatedly called and visited her family, urging them to move out, but she felt the compensation was too low.

中共官员和开发商的代表们已多次给她家打电话或者上门，催促他们搬走，但她觉得补偿太低。

“They don’t have a proper conversation with you. They just send people to grind you down,” said Ms. Mu, who asked that only her surname be used.

“他们不是正当地你对话。他们只是派人来磨死你，”穆女士说，她要求在报道中只写她的姓。

One night, as negotiations dragged on, men were stationed outside their home to intimidate them, she said. Their water supply was also cut off during the demolition of nearby buildings, but local officials did not seem to care about that, Ms. Mu said: “Not a single village official has come to ask, how can we help with this water problem?”

一天晚上，随着谈判的进行，家门外来了一些对他们进行恐吓的男子，她说。附近的建筑被拆除时，他们的供水也被切断了，但当地官员似乎并不关心这个，穆女士说：“没有一个村官来问过，我们能怎么帮助解决水的问题？”

She and her siblings now drive into town to fill bottles with tap water.

她和她的兄弟姐妹现在要开车进城，用瓶子装自来水运回家。

The risks of empowering low-level officials to fulfill sweeping political mandates became especially clear during the pandemic. Under pressure to prevent infections, neighborhood workers at times prevented residents from buying groceries or seeking medical care.

疫情期间，为完成范围广泛的政治任务，把权力赋予低层官员的风险已变得尤为明显。在防止感染的压力下，街道工作人员有时会阻止居民出门买菜或就医。

Even high-profile political activists, for whom surveillance has long been routine, have felt the controls intensify. Wang Quanzhang, a human rights lawyer who was released from more than four years in prison in 2020, said that 30 or 40 people were watching his home in Beijing at any given time. He shared photographs of groups of men in black clothing sitting inside his building and following him on the street.

就连那些长期受监控的知名政治活动人士也感到了控制的加强。维权律师王全璋服满四年刑期后于2020年获释，他说，每时每刻都有30到40人监视着他在北京的家。他分享了几张照片，照片中可看到一群身穿黑衣的男子坐在他住的楼里，他出门时在街上跟着他。

Several landlords had forced him to move out, under official pressure, he said. The authorities had also pressured schools not to let his 11-year-old son enroll, he added.

他说，几名房东已在官方压力下强迫他搬走。当局还向学校施压，不允许他11岁的儿子入学，他补充说。

“We didn’t think that when they couldn’t chase us away from Beijing, they would start targeting our child,” he said. “After the epidemic, it’s gotten worse.”

“我们没想到，他们无法将我们赶出北京时，他们会把我们的孩子作为目标，”他说。“疫情之后，情况变得更糟。”

The Cost of Control

控制的代价

The success of this labor-intensive approach hinges upon the zeal of its enforcers. That has often worked to the advantage of the party, which uses financial incentives, appeals to patriotism and sometimes threats, such as to their jobs, to mobilize officials and ordinary people alike.

这种劳动密集型做法的成功取决于执行者的热情。这曾往往对中共有利，中共使用经济激励、呼吁爱国精神，有时甚至是威胁（比如让他们失去工作）等手法，来动员官员和普通民众。

But the reliance on an army of paid workers could also be the surveillance apparatus’s central weakness, as the slowing economy forces local governments to tighten budgets.

但随着经济放缓迫使地方政府收紧预算，依赖一支需要发工资的大军也可能是这个监控系统的主要弱点。

Already, some community workers and police officers have complained on social media of being overworked.

已经有一些街道工作人员和警察在社交媒体上抱怨工作量太大。

Even propaganda about Fengqiao has acknowledged the toll of making officials responsible for ever-smaller issues. One state media article lauded a police officer who, to resolve a dispute between neighbors, helped unclog a blocked pipe. “Suddenly, a large amount of sewage and feces sprayed onto his head and body,” the article said. The residents, the article continued, “felt both pity and gratitude.”

就连宣传“枫桥经验”的文章也承认，管的事情越来越小给警察造成了负担。官媒在一篇表扬一名民警的文章中写道，这名民警为了解决邻居之间的纠纷，帮助疏通了堵塞的污水管道。“瞬间污水管道内存着的大量污水和着粪便喷洒在他的头上身上，”文章写道。“围观的群众既心疼又感动”。

The party’s tightening grip could also stifle the dynamism that it needs to revive the economy. A fried chicken vendor in Zhangjiawan, who gave only her surname, Ma, said she had not made enough money to pay her rent for three months, in part because constantly patrolling officers prohibited her from setting up her cart on the sidewalk.

中共收紧控制也会扼杀振兴经济所需的活力。张家湾一名只说自己姓马的炸鸡小贩说，她赚的钱不够支付房租已有三个月了，部分原因是不断来巡逻的警察禁止她把推车停放在人行道上。

“If the economy suffers, then there will be security problems,” she said. “People need to eat. If they get anxious, things will get messy.”

“如果经济受影响，就会出治安问题，”她说。“人民需要吃饭。如果他们焦虑不安，事情会变得混乱。”