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纽约时报中文网 - 英文原版-英Chinas Dead-End Economy Is Bad News for Everyone

May 15, 2024   3 min   447 words

《纽约时报》这篇文章的主要内容是:中国经济放缓,可能会对全球经济造成严重影响。文章提到中国经济增长率下降债务问题房地产危机等负面因素,并认为中国政府采取的刺激经济措施可能无效,甚至会造成更大的危机。 评论:这篇文章虽然提到了一些中国经济的现实问题,但整体基调偏负面,有夸大其词之嫌。中国经济的确面临挑战,但远未到“死胡同”的程度。中国政府拥有丰富的刺激经济的政策工具,在成功应对2008年全球金融危机的影响,实现经济复苏方面也有着良好的记录。此外,中国经济的韧性强,内需潜力大,创新活力足,有能力克服暂时困难,实现长期的可持续发展。西方媒体往往过度关注中国经济的负面因素,而忽视了中国经济的独特优势和发展潜力,其带有偏见和不客观的报道容易误导读者,影响公众对中国经济的正确认知。

On separate visits to Beijing last month, Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen bore a common message: Chinese manufacturing overcapacity is flooding global markets with cheap Chinese exports, distorting world trade and leaving American businesses and workers struggling to compete.

Not surprisingly, China’s leaders did not like what they heard, and they didn’t budge. They can’t. Years of erratic and irresponsible policies, excessive Communist Party control and undelivered promises of reform have created a dead-end Chinese economy of weak domestic consumer demand and slowing growth. The only way that China’s leaders can see to pull themselves out of this hole is to fall back on pumping out exports.

That means a number of things are likely to happen, none of them good. The tide of Chinese exports will continue, tensions with the United States and other trading partners will grow, China’s people will become increasingly unhappy with their gloomy economic prospects and anxious Communist Party leaders will respond with more repression.

The root of the problem is the Communist Party’s excessive control of the economy, but that’s not going to change. It is baked into China’s political system and has only worsened during President Xi Jinping’s decade in power. New strategies for fixing the economy always rely on counterproductive mandates set by the government: Create new companies, build more industrial capacity. The strategy that most economists actually recommend to drive growth — freeing up the private sector and empowering Chinese consumers to spend more — would mean overhauling the way the government works, and that is unacceptable.

The party had a golden opportunity to change in 1989, when the Tiananmen Square protests revealed that the economic reforms that had begun a decade earlier had given rise to a growing private sector and a desire for new freedoms. But to liberalize government institutions in response would have undermined the party’s power. Instead, China’s leaders chose to shoot the protesters, further tighten party control and get hooked on government investment to fuel the economy.

For a long time, no one minded. When economic or social threats reared their heads, like global financial crises in 1997 and 2007, Chinese authorities poured money into industry and the real estate sector to pacify the people. The investment-driven growth felt good, but it was much more than the country could digest and left China’s landscape scarred with empty cities and industrial parks, unfinished bridges to nowhere, abandoned highways and amusement parks, and airports with few flights.

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