纽约时报中文网 - 中英对照版-中英从中国到世界在痛苦与绝望中追寻希望

Mr. Kristof is the author of a new memoir, “Chasing Hope: A Reporter’s Life,” from which this essay is adapted.

本文改写自纪思道的新回忆录《追逐希望：一名记者的报道生涯》(Chasing Hope: A Reporter’s Life)。

More than three-quarters of Americans say the United States is headed in the wrong direction. This year, for the first time, America dropped out of the top 20 happiest countries in this year’s World Happiness Report. Some couples are choosing not to have children because of climate threats. And this despair permeates not just the United States, but much of the world.

逾75%的美国人说，美国正在朝着错误的方向发展。今年，美国在2024年全球最幸福国家排名中首次跌出了前20名。由于气候变化的威胁，一些夫妇选择不要孩子。这种绝望不仅弥漫在美国，也能在世界大部分地方感受到。

This moment is particularly dispiriting because of the toxic mood. Debates about the horrifying toll of the war in Gaza has made the atmosphere even more poisonous, as the turmoil on college campuses underscores. We are a bitterly divided nation, quick to point fingers and denounce one another, and the recriminations feed the gloom. Instead of a City on a Hill, we feel like a nation in despair — maybe even a planet in despair.

这种有害情绪让此时此刻尤其令人沮丧。有关加沙战争令人震惊的伤亡的争论使当前的气氛更加恶劣，大学校园里的骚乱凸显了这种气氛。我们的国家四分五裂，动不动就互相谴责、互相斥责，这种做法加剧了人们的失落感。我们的国家不再是一座山颠之城，人们对国家（甚至对地球）的感觉是绝望。

Yet that’s not how I feel at all.

但我一点也没有这种感觉。

What I’ve learned from four decades of covering misery is hope — both the reasons for hope and the need for hope. I emerge from years on the front lines awed by material and moral progress, for we have the good fortune to be part of what is probably the greatest improvement in life expectancy, nutrition and health that has ever unfolded in one lifetime.

我报道世界各地的痛苦已经40年了，我从中学到的东西是希望，是希望的理由和希望的必要。多年来的前线报道使我对我们在物质上和道德上的进步有一种敬畏，因为我们有幸生活在这个时代，在有生之年经历了可能是有史以来预期寿命、营养和健康水平的最大改善。

Many genuine threats remain. We could end up in a nuclear war with Russia or China; we might destroy our planet with carbon emissions; the gap between the wealthy and the poor has widened greatly in the United States in recent decades (although global inequality has diminished); we may be sliding toward authoritarianism at home; and 1,000 other things could go wrong.

许多真实的威胁依然存在。我们可能会陷入与俄罗斯或中国的核战争；碳排放可能会毁掉我们的星球；美国近几十年的贫富差距大幅拉大（尽管全球范围的不平等有所缩小），国内政治也许正在滑向威权主义；还有成千上万可能会出问题的事情。

Yet whenever I hear that America has never been such a mess or so divided, I think not just of the Civil War but of my own childhood: the assassinations of the 1960s, the riots, the murders of civil rights workers, the curses directed at returning Vietnam veterans, the families torn apart at generational seams, the shooting of students at Kent State, the leftists in America and abroad who quoted Mao and turned to violence because they thought society could never evolve.

然而，每当我听人们说，美国从来没有如此混乱或如此分裂时，我想到的不仅是内战，也想到我自己的童年时代：20世纪60年发生的暗杀和骚乱，民权工作者被谋杀，从越南回来的老兵遭咒骂，家庭因代际矛盾关系破裂，肯特州立大学的学生被枪杀，美国和国外的左翼人士引用毛泽东语录并诉诸暴力，因为他们认为社会永远不会进步。

If we got through that, we can get through this.

如果我们能渡过那些难关，我们也能渡过现在的难关。

My message of hope rubs some Americans the wrong way. They see war, can’t afford to buy a house, struggle to pay back student debt and what’s the point anyway, when we’re boiling the planet? Fair enough: My job is writing columns about all these worries.

我传递的希望信息触怒了一些美国人。他们看到的是战争，买不起房子，没能力偿还学生贷款，而且，在我们把地球变得无法生存时，这些东西还有什么意义？他们说的有道理：我的工作就是写关于所有这些担忧的专栏文章。

Yet all this malaise is distorting our politics and our personal behaviors, adding to the tensions and divisions in society. Today’s distress can nurture cynicism rather than idealism, can be paralyzing, can shape politics by fostering a Trumpian nostalgia for some grand mythical time in the past.

然而，这些不满情绪正在扭曲我们的政治和个人行为，加剧社会的紧张状态和分裂。今天的痛苦能滋生愤世嫉俗而不是理想主义，能让人麻痹，能通过助长特朗普式的怀旧而影响政治，那是对过去并不存在的某个伟大时代的怀旧。

The danger is that together all of us in society collectively reinforce a melancholy that leaves us worse off. Despair doesn’t solve problems; it creates them. It is numbing and counterproductive, making it more difficult to rouse ourselves to tackle the challenges around us.

这样做的危险在于，我们社会中的所有人集体强化了一种让我们的境况变得更糟的忧郁情绪。绝望不解决问题，只会制造问题。绝望令人麻木，而且适得其反，让我们更难以振作起来去应对我们身边的挑战。

The truth is that if you had to pick a time to be alive in the past few hundred thousand years of human history, it would probably be now.

事实是，如果你必须在过去几十万年的人类历史中选一个时间生活，大概就会选现在。

When I step back, what I see over the arc of my career is a backdrop of progress in America and abroad that is rarely acknowledged — and that should give us perspective and inspire us to take on the many challenges that still confront us.

当我退一步看，我从自己职业生涯的主线看到的是美国和国外进步的背景，这种背景虽然很少得到承认，但应该为我们提供视角，并激励我们去应对我们仍面临的许多挑战。

I think of a woman named Delfina, whom I interviewed in 2015 in a village in Angola. She had never seen a doctor or dentist and had lost 10 of her 15 children. Delfina had rotten teeth and lived in constant, excruciating dental pain. She had never heard of family planning, and there was no school in the area, so she and all the other villagers were illiterate.

我想起2015年我在安哥拉的一个村庄采访的名叫德尔菲娜的女子。她从来没有看过大夫或牙医，她生的15个孩子中有10个夭折。德尔菲娜的牙齿很糟，一直生活在难以忍受的牙痛中。她从未听说过计划生育。当地没有学校，所以，她和其他的村民都是文盲。

A young journalist following in my footsteps today may never encounter a person like Delfina — and that’s because of the revolution in health care, education and well-being that we are in the middle of, yet often seem oblivious to.

今天，一名效仿我的年轻记者也许永远不会遇到像德尔菲娜这样的人，这是因为我们正处于医疗、教育和健康革命之中，尽管我们似乎常常觉察不到。

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I have implored President Biden to do more for the children and babies dying in Gaza. I’ve been unwavering about the need to support the people suffering bombardment in Ukraine. And I regularly report on the conflicts and humanitarian disasters in Sudan, Myanmar, Yemen and elsewhere that garner less attention.

我已恳求拜登总统为将要在加沙死去的儿童和婴儿做更多的事情。我一直坚信有必要支持遭受轰炸的乌克兰人民。我经常报道苏丹、缅甸、也门和其他地方不太受关注的冲突和人道主义灾难。

Some people see my career covering massacres and oppression and assume that I must be dour and infused with misery, a journalistic Eeyore. Not so! Journalism is an act of hope. Why else would reporters rush toward gunfire, visit Covid wards or wade into riots to interview arsonists? We do all this because we believe that better outcomes are possible if we just get people to understand more clearly what’s going on. So let me try with you.

有些人看到我把职业生涯花在报道屠杀和压迫上，他们会假设我一定是死气沉沉、充满痛苦，是从事新闻工作的屹耳（小熊维尼中一头悲观的驴子。——译注）。非也！新闻工作是一种充满希望的行动。要不然，记者们为什么会赶向有炮火的地方，走进新冠感染者的病房，或在骚乱现场采访纵火者呢？我们这样做是因为我们相信，如果能让人们更清楚地了解正在发生的事情，就有可能看到更好的结局。所以，让我试着从你开始吧。

Just 100 years ago, doctors could do nothing when President Calvin Coolidge’s 16-year-old son developed a blister on a toe while playing tennis on the White House court. It became infected, and without antibiotics the boy was dead within a week. Today the most impoverished child in the United States on Medicaid has access to better health care than the president’s son did a century ago.

不过是100年前，卡尔文·柯立芝总统16岁的儿子在白宫网球场上打网球时，脚趾上出了个水疱，医生无能为力。后来出现了感染，因为没有抗生素，男孩没过一周就死了。今年，得到联邦医疗补助(Medicaid)的美国最贫困的儿童也比一个世纪前总统的儿子拥有更好的医疗服务。

Consider that a 2016 poll found that more than 90 percent of Americans think that global poverty stayed the same or got worse over the previous 20 years. This is flat wrong: Arguably the most important trend in the world in our lifetime has been the enormous reduction in global poverty.

看看2016年的一项民意调查。调查发现，逾90%的美国人认为，全球贫困状况在过去20年里没有改变或变得更严重了。这完全错了：可以论证的是，世界在我们有生之年的最重要趋势是全球贫困大幅减少。

About one million fewer children will die this year than in 2016, and 2024 will probably set yet another record for the smallest share of children dying before the age of 5. When I was a child, a majority of adults were illiterate, and it had been that way forever; now we’re close to 90 percent adult literacy. Extreme poverty has plunged to just 8 percent of the world’s population.

与2016年相比，今年的儿童死亡人数将减少约100万，而且，2024年的五岁以下儿童死亡率可能会再次创下最低纪录。在我小时候，全世界50%以上的成年人是文盲，而且保持这种状况已经很久了；现在，全球的成人识字率已接近90%。极端贫困人口已降至全球人口的8%。

Those are statistics, but much of my career has been spent documenting the revolution in human conditions they represent. In the 1990s I saw human traffickers openly sell young girls in Cambodia for their virginity; it felt like 19th-century slavery, except most of these girls were going to be dead of AIDS by their 20s. Trafficking remains a huge problem, but the progress is manifest. In Kolkata, India, where I’ve covered this issue for decades, one study found an 80 percent reduction in the number of children in brothels since 2016.

虽然这些只是统计数据，但我职业生涯的大部分时间花在了记录这些数据所代表的人类生存状况的革命上。20世纪90年代，我曾在柬埔寨看到人贩子公开出售年轻女孩的童贞；给人的感觉像是19世纪的奴隶制，只不过这些女孩中的大多数会在她们20多岁时死于艾滋病。人口贩运仍然是一个大问题，但这方面的进步也很明显。我几十年来一直在报道印度加尔各答的这个问题，那里的一项研究发现，自2016年以来，妓院里的儿童数量已降低了80%。

Two decades ago, AIDS was ravaging poor countries, and it wasn’t clear we would ever control it. Then America under President George W. Bush started a program, Pepfar, that allowed the world to turn the corner on AIDS globally, saving 25 million lives so far. One reason you don’t hear much about AIDS today is that it’s among the great successes in the history of health care.

艾滋病曾在20年前肆虐贫穷国家，当时并不清楚我们能否将其控制住。后来，在乔治·W·布什总统领导下，美国启动了一项名为“Pepfar”的计划，让全世界扭转了艾滋病防治的困境，该计划迄今为止已挽救了2500万人的生命。人们如今很少听到关于艾滋病的消息，原因之一是艾滋病已得到控制，这是医疗史上的伟大成功之一。

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It’s not just that the world has in our lifetimes seen the greatest improvement in human wellness that we know of since the birth of our species. Despite some setbacks for democracy — and real risks here in the United States — I’ve learned to doubt despotism in the long run.

世界在我们有生之年见证的不只是自人类诞生以来人类健康的最大进步。虽然民主制度遭到一些挫折，而且在美国面临着真正的风险，但我已经学会了从长远上对专制主义持怀疑态度。

One of my searing experiences as a young journalist was covering that terrible night in June 1989 when Chinese Army troops turned their automatic weapons on unarmed protesters in Tiananmen Square, including the crowd that I was in. You never forget seeing soldiers use weapons of war to massacre unarmed citizens; I still have my notebook from that night, stained with the sweat of fear.

作为一名年轻记者，我报道了1989年6月那个骇人听闻的夜晚，那是我终身难忘的经历。中国军人把他们的自动步枪转向天安门广场上手无寸铁的抗议者，包括我所在的人群。我永远不会忘记看到士兵使用战争武器屠杀手无寸铁的公民；我仍保留着那天晚上的笔记本，那个曾被恐惧的汗水浸透了的笔记本。

“Maybe we’ll fail today,” my scribbles record, as I quoted an art student nearly incoherent with grief. “Maybe we’ll fail tomorrow. But someday we’ll succeed.”

“也许我们今天将失败，”我用潦草的字记录下了我听到的一名艺术系学生的话，他因过度悲伤几乎语无伦次。“也许明天我们也将失败。但总有一天我们会成功。”

Yet I also remember a day five weeks earlier in the democracy movement, April 27, 1989, when Beijing students prepared for a protest march from the university district to Tiananmen.

但我也记得这场民主运动五周前的一天，即1989年4月27日，当时北京的学生们正准备从大学校园出发，到天安门去抗议游行。

Students knew that if they marched, they were risking expulsion, imprisonment or worse. The evening before, some students spent the night writing their wills in case they were killed.

学生们知道，如果他们参加游行，他们会面临开除、坐牢或更糟的危险。一些学生在头一天晚上连夜写下了遗嘱，做了自己被打死的准备。

I drove out to the university district that morning and saw roads lined with tens of thousands of People’s Armed Police. I slipped onto the Beijing University campus by pretending to be a foreign student and watched as a frightened band of 100 students emerged from a dormitory, parading with pro-democracy banners. Gradually other students joined in, and perhaps 1,000 marched, clearly terrified, toward the gate. Rows of armed police blocked their way, but the students jostled and pushed and finally forced their way onto the road. To everyone’s surprise, the police didn’t club the students or shoot them that day. Once the vanguard broke through, thousands more students materialized to join the march.

那天早上，我开车去大学所在的郊区时，看到数万名武装警察站在道路两旁。我假装是一名外国留学生，进入了北京大学校园，看到一群100名左右的学生从宿舍里出来，虽然他们很害怕，但还是举起了民主标语开始游行。其他学生也渐渐加入进来，也许大约有1000名游行学生带着明显的恐惧走向学校大门。一排排武警挡住了他们，学生们与武警互相推搡，最终将武警推开，奋力走上马路。令所有人惊讶的是，警察那天没有用棍棒打学生，也没有向他们开枪。先锋队走出校园后，数以千计的学生纷纷加入到游行队伍中来。

Word spread rapidly. As the marchers passed other universities, tens of thousands more joined the protest march, and so did ordinary citizens. Old people shouted encouragement from balconies and shopkeepers rushed out to give drinks and snacks to protesters. The police tried many times to block the students, but each time huge throngs of young people forced their way through.

消息迅速传开。游行队伍经过其他大学时，又有成千上万的人加入了抗议游行队伍，包括普通市民。老人在阳台上大声喊着鼓励的话，店主冲出来给抗议者提供饮料和零食。警察多次试图阻止学生，但每次都被大群年轻人突破。

By the time they reached Tiananmen Square, the protesters numbered perhaps half a million. Then they marched triumphantly back to their universities, hailed by the people of Beijing screaming support. That evening at the gate of Beijing University, the students were met not by phalanxes of armed police but by white-haired professors waiting for them, crying happy tears, cheering for them.

当他们来到天安门广场时，抗议者的人数可能已经达到50万。然后，在北京市民的欢呼声中，他们凯旋而归，回到各自的大学。那天晚上，在北大门口，迎接学生的不是一队队武警，而是白发苍苍的教授，他们流下幸福的泪水，为学生们打气加油。

“You are heroes,” one professor shouted. “You are sacrificing for all of us. You are braver than we are.”

“你们是英雄！”一位教授大声说道。“你们为我们所有人做出牺牲。你们比我们勇敢。”

It was a privilege to witness the heroism of that day. There is much to learn from the commitment to democracy shown that spring by Chinese students.

能够见证那一天学生们的英勇行为是我的荣幸。中国学生在那个春天表现出的对民主的承诺有很多值得学习的地方。

The exhilaration of that march to Tiananmen Square didn’t last. But in my reporting career, I’ve learned first to be careful of betting on democracy in the short run, and second, to never bet against it in the long run.

那次到天安门广场游行带来的兴奋并没有持续多久。但在我的报道生涯中，我学到首先要谨慎押注短期内民主的成功，其次，永远不要押注长期内民主的失败。

Some day, I hope to see the arrival of democracy in China, as well as in Russia, Venezuela and Egypt.

我希望有一天能够看到民主来到中国，来到俄罗斯、委内瑞拉和埃及。

Commentators are always predicting the end of American primacy. First it was the book “Japan as No. 1” in 1979 by Ezra F. Vogel, then Patrick Buchanan’s 2002 right-wing “The Death of the West” and Naomi Wolf’s 2007 leftist “The End of America.” It seemed for a time that Europe might surpass us, while in the longer run China appeared poised to overtake America and become the world’s largest economy.

评论人士总在预测美国主导地位的终结。先是傅高义(Ezra F. Vogel) 1979年出版的《日本第一》，然后是帕特里克·布坎南在2002年出版的立场偏右的著作《西方之死》和纳奥米·沃尔夫在2007年出版的立场偏左的著作《美国的终结》。有那么一段时间，欧洲似乎可能超过我们，而从长远来看，中国也似乎有望超越美国，成为世界上最大的经济体。

Yet the United States maintains its vitality. World Bank figures suggest that the United States has actually increased its share of global G.D.P., measured by official exchange rates, by a hair since 1995. Europe today is leaderless and has anemic growth. Japan, China and South Korea are losing population and lagging economically. “Uncle Sam is putting the rest of the world to shame,” The Economist noted recently.

然而，美国活力依旧。世界银行的数据显示，根据官方汇率计算，自1995年以来，美国在全球GDP中的占比实际略有增加。如今，欧洲群龙无首，经济增长乏力。日本、中国和韩国的人口在减少，经济也在走下坡路。《经济学人》最近指出，“山姆大叔正在让世界其他地方感到羞愧”。

China’s struggles today are particularly important, for it was China that was the foremost challenger to American pre-eminence. Many people around the world thought that China had a more vibrant political and economic model. Yet today China is struggling and even with its population advantage it is no longer clear that China’s economy will ever eclipse America’s. The United States is the undisputed titan in the world today.

中国今天的困境影响尤其大，因为它曾是美国优势地位的最大挑战者。全世界很多人都曾经认为，中国的政治和经济模式更具活力。然而，今天的中国陷入了苦苦挣扎中，即使拥有人口优势，中国经济是否会超过美国已不再明朗。美国是当今世界无可争议的巨人。

As I see it, the possibility of a Donald Trump election hangs as a shadow over America. Yet even if Trump were elected, there is a dynamism and inner strength in America — in technology, culture, medicine, business, education — that I think can survive four years of national misrule, chaos and subversion of democracy. Indeed, Trump might wreck Europe and Asia — by abandoning NATO and Taiwan — even more than he would damage America, in a way that would perversely cement U.S. primacy.

在我看来，特朗普当选的可能性像一道阴影笼罩着美国。然而，即使他当选，美国在科技、文化、医学、商业、教育等方面仍有一种活力和内在力量，我认为美国能够经受住四年的治理不善、混乱和民主的颠覆。事实上，特朗普对北约和亚洲的破坏力——通过放弃北约和台湾——甚至可能会大于他给美国带来的损害，从而以一种不当的方式夯实美国的优势地位。

Note that one of the dominant issues in this year’s general election will be immigration. That’s partly because of the determination of people around the world to come to America, just as my dad risked his life to escape Eastern Europe and make his way here in 1952. Desperate foreigners sometimes see our nation’s resilience more clearly than we do.

请注意，今年大选的主要议题之一将是移民问题。这在一定程度上是因为世界各地的人们决心来到美国，就像我父亲在1952年冒着生命危险逃离东欧来到美国一样。绝望的外国人有时比我们更清楚地看到我们国家顽强的生命力。

I have seen that faith in America in surprising places, even when I periodically slipped into Darfur to cover the genocide there in the 2000s. I couldn’t obtain a government pass to get through checkpoints, but I realized that U.N. workers were showing English-language credentials that the soldiers surely couldn’t read. So I put my United Airlines Mileage Plus card on a lanyard, drove up to a checkpoint and showed it — and the soldiers waved me through.

我在一些意想不到的地方看到过这种对美国的信念，甚至在本世纪头十年的达尔富尔，当时我经常悄悄进入那里报道种族灭绝。我弄不到检查站的政府通行证，但我发现联合国的工作人员出示的是英语证件，士兵们显然看不懂。于是我把美联航的航空里程卡挂在挂绳上，开车来到一处检查站，出示我的里程卡——士兵们挥手放行。

Recklessness caught up with me, and eventually I was stopped at a checkpoint and kept in a detention hut decorated with a grisly mural of a prisoner being impaled by a stake through the stomach. It was a frightening wait as the soldiers summoned their commander. He eventually arrived and ordered me released — and then one of my captors who previously had seemed ready to execute me sidled up.

出来混迟早要还，终于，我在一个检查站被拦下，关进了拘留室，里面有一幅可怕的壁画，画的是一个囚犯被木桩刺穿肚子。士兵去叫管事的，等待的过程令人恐惧。他终于露面了，下令将我释放——然后一个先前将我扣下，似乎准备处决我的人，悄悄靠了过来。

“Hi,” he said. “Can you get me a visa to America?”

“嗨，”他说。“你能给我弄到美国签证吗？”

***

***

I share the view that a Trump election would pose immense damage to American political and legal systems. But in the scientific world we would continue to move forward with new vaccines for breast cancer, new drugs to combat obesity and new CRISPR gene-editing techniques to treat sickle cell and other diseases.

我也认为特朗普当选将对美国的政治和法律体系造成巨大破坏。但在科学界，我们将继续推动新的乳腺癌疫苗研发，还有对抗肥胖症的新药，以及用于治疗镰刀细胞病等疾病的新的CRISPR基因编辑技术。

How can we weigh democratic decline against lives saved through medical progress? Of course we can’t. As my intellectual hero, Isaiah Berlin, might say, they are incommensurate yardsticks — but that does not mean that they are irrelevant to our well-being.

民主的衰落和医疗进步挽救生命，我们要如何权衡孰轻孰重？我们当然不能。我心目中的知识英雄以赛亚·伯林可能会说，它们是无法比较的标准——但这并不意味着它们与我们的福祉无关。

And no one can accuse me of ignoring the problems that beset us at home and abroad, for they have been my career. They’ve left me a bit too scarred to be a classic optimist. Hans Rosling, a Swedish development expert, used to say that he wasn’t an optimist but a possibilist. In other words, he saw better outcomes as possible if we worked to achieve them. That makes sense to me, and it means replacing despair with guarded hope.

没有人可以指责我对美国在国内外面临的问题视而不见，因为这一直是我的工作。这些问题给我留下的创伤有点太大了，以至于我无法成为一个标准意义上的乐观主义者。瑞典的发展专家汉斯·罗斯林曾经说过，他不是一个乐观主义者，而是一个可能性论者。换句话说，他认为只要我们足够努力，就有可能取得更好的结果。对我来说，这是有道理的，它意味着用谨慎的希望取代绝望。

This isn’t hope as a naïve faith that things will somehow end up OK. No, it is a somewhat battered hope that improvements are possible if we push hard enough.

这种希望并非天真地相信一切都会好起来。不，它是一种有些受挫的希望，即如果我们足够努力，改善是可能的。

In 2004 I introduced Times readers to the story of an illiterate woman named Mukhtar Mai, whom I met in the remote village of Meerwala in Pakistan. She had been gang-raped on order of a village council, as punishment for a supposed offense by her brother, and she was then expected to disappear in shame or kill herself. Instead, she prosecuted her attackers, sent them to prison and then used her compensation money to start a school in her village.

2004年，我向《纽约时报》的读者讲述了穆赫塔尔·马伊的故事，她是我在巴基斯坦偏远的米尔瓦拉村结识的一位不识字的女性。她在村委会的命令下被轮奸，那是对她哥哥的所谓罪行的惩罚，大家以为她会因耻辱而消失或者自杀。相反，她起诉了施暴者，把他们送进了监狱，然后用赔偿金在她的村子里办了一所学校。

Instead of giving in to despair, Mukhtar nursed a hope that education would chip away at the misogyny and abuse of women that had victimized her and so many others. Then she enrolled the children of her rapists in her school.

穆赫塔尔没有屈服于绝望，而是抱持着一种希望，希望教育能逐渐消除那些令她和其他许多人受害的厌女思想和对女性的虐待。后来，她把强奸犯的孩子招进了她的学校。

Mukhtar taught me that we humans are endowed with strength — and hope — that, if we recognize it and flex it, can achieve the impossible.

穆赫塔尔告诉我，我们人类被赋予了力量与希望，如果我们认识到这一点，并运用它，就能实现不可能的目标。