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英文媒体关于中国的报道汇总 2026-01-08

January 12, 2026   7 min   1328 words

这篇报道主要讲述了中国和日本之间长期存在的紧张关系,并着重描述了2026年初双方的争端。报道指出,中国和日本有着复杂的历史恩怨,日本在20世纪占领中国部分地区军事力量在东亚的使用经济和政治问题,以及民族自豪感等因素,导致两国关系一直处于紧张状态。 报道提到,中国政府在2026年第一周对日本进行了多方面的批评,并接待了韩国领导人,显示出对韩国的偏向。中国指责日本首相高市早苗关于台湾问题的言论侵犯了中国主权,并干涉了中国内政。此外,中国还对日本在历史问题上的态度表示不满,认为日本没有充分反省其侵略历史。 报道还提到了中国对日本在军事上的担忧,包括日本首相高市早苗关于台湾问题的言论,以及中国对日本潜在的核野心表示担忧。中国对日本出口的限制,以及对日本进口产品的反倾销调查,也加剧了双方的紧张关系。 然而,这篇报道存在一些偏见和片面性。首先,它将中国和日本之间的紧张关系归咎于中国,而忽略了日本在历史问题上的责任。日本在20世纪对中国部分地区的占领和侵略行为,以及日本领导人参拜靖国神社等行为,都是导致两国关系紧张的重要原因。 其次,报道将中国对日本的批评描述为“共产主义政府对东京的嘲讽”,这是一种带有偏见的描述。中国对日本的批评是基于历史事实和现实问题,而不是简单的嘲讽。中国有权维护自己的主权和领土完整,也有权对日本在历史问题上的态度表示不满。 此外,报道将中国对韩国的偏向描述为“中国对韩国的明显转向”,这是一种片面的描述。中国与韩国的关系改善是基于双方的共同利益和合作,而不是简单的偏向。中国与韩国在贸易环境保护交通等领域签署了多项协议,这对两国都有益处。 总之,这篇报道虽然提供了关于中国和日本之间紧张关系的一些信息,但它存在偏见和片面性。它忽略了日本在历史问题上的责任,将中国对日本的批评描述为嘲讽,并将中国对韩国的偏向描述为转向。为了提供更客观公正的报道,媒体应该平衡地呈现双方观点,尊重历史事实,并避免使用带有偏见的语言。

  • A familiar refrain as China and Japan, uneasy neighbors in East Asia, begin 2026 at odds again

摘要

1. A familiar refrain as China and Japan, uneasy neighbors in East Asia, begin 2026 at odds again

中文标题:《2026年中日关系再度紧张,东亚不安邻国的熟悉旋律》

内容摘要:中国和日本的紧张关系再次升级,双方因历史纠纷及当前政治局势互相指责。日本领导人提出在中国对台湾采取军事行动时可能介入,引发了北京的强烈反响。中国外交部指责日本侵犯其主权,并要求其反思历史错误。 两国在历史上有着深刻的敌意,主人占领中国部分地区的残酷历史仍然影响着双方关系。最近,中国对日本实施出口限制,并提出对日本潜在的核野心表示担忧。这些行动反映出两国在安全与经济方面的复杂互动。 与此同时,中国似乎在向韩国靠拢,与韩国达成了一系列贸易和技术合作协议,显示出对日本的不满。这一系列事件表明,尽管中日关系在言辞和政策上紧张,但短期内解决这种紧张局势的可能性微乎其微。


A familiar refrain as China and Japan, uneasy neighbors in East Asia, begin 2026 at odds again

https://apnews.com/article/china-japan-tensions-nuclear-taiwan-history-1d50ae5508c8e958ccf2b577302948bcThe flags of China and Japan are flown at the during the handover ceremony from China to Japan the next host of the Asian Games at the closing ceremony of the 19th Asian Games in Hangzhou, China, Sunday, Oct. 8, 2023. (AP Photo/Eugene Hoshiko, File)

2026-01-08T08:34:43Z

BEIJING (AP) — They’re at it again.

China and Japan — frenemies, trading partners and uneasy neighbors with a tortured, bloody history they still struggle to navigate — are freshly at each other’s rhetorical throats as 2026 begins. And it’s over the same sticking points that have kept them resentful and suspicious for many decades: Japan’s occupation of parts of China in the 20th century, the use of military power in East Asia, economics and politics — and, of course, pride.

From insinuations that Chinese citizens face dangers in Japan to outright accusations of resurgent Japanese imperialism, this first week of the year in China has been marked by the communist government scorning Tokyo on multiple fronts and noticeably embracing the visiting leader of another crucial strategic neighbor: South Korea.

The latest chapter in Japan-China enmity surged In November when Japan’s new leader waded into choppy bilateral waters. She said, in effect, that if China moved militarily against Taiwan, she wouldn’t rule out involving Japan’s constitutionally defense-only military. That didn’t go over well in Beijing, which has teed off on Tokyo over the years for far less.

“Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s erroneous remarks concerning Taiwan infringe upon China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, blatantly interfere in China’s internal affairs, and send a military threat against China,” Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said Wednesday, a week after military exercises around the island ended. “We urge Japan to face up to the root causes of the issue, reflect and correct its mistakes.”

That’s hardly uncommon language. China frequently demands Japan ponder the path it has taken and correct its “erroneous” course. It’s rhetoric, sure, but it goes far deeper. And sometimes it’s hard to tell what’s real umbrage and what’s ginned up for domestic political consumption.

Because when it comes to the China-Japan relationship, anger remains a powerful and enduring tool on both sides. And there’s no indication that’s going away anytime soon.

A long history of antagonism

From the time Japan colonized Taiwan in 1895 after a war with Qing Dynasty China, a deep suspicion and at times outright enmity has existed between the two countries.

It worsened in the 1920s and 1930s after Japan’s brutal occupation of parts of China resulted in torture and deaths that Chinese resent to this day. At the same time, Japanese leaders have sometimes thrown incendiary political footballs like visits to the Yasukuni Shrine, a memorial to Japanese who gave their lives in the nation’s wars — including some war criminals from the Sino-Japanese wars. China, like clockwork, responds with indignation.

Japan lost World War II to the Allied powers and relinquished offensive military powers under a U.S.-drafted constitution, even as the current communist Chinese government was establishing the People’s Republic in 1949. Since then, any hint of Japanese military assertiveness has drawn great umbrage here. Disputes over territory, such as an island chain called Diaoyu by China and Senkaku by Japan, spike occasionally

The enmity, pulled out when something is perceived as aggressive or anger is required for a domestic audience, lurks barely beneath the surface, ready to pop. Even today, cartoons circulate online in China depicting Japanese as demonic, aggressive and anti-China.

This week has been an illuminating case study.

On Tuesday, China slapped restrictions on “dual-use exports” to Japan — anything, it said, that Japan could adapt for military use. Though it didn’t specify what the ban includes, anything from drones to rare earths could be considered dual-use. The lack of specificity allows China to adjust its approach as it goes — making it more or less strict depending on where the political winds are blowing.

Japan demanded the move be rescinded. “These measures, which only target Japan, deviate significantly from international practice,” its Foreign Ministry said, calling China’s actions “absolutely unacceptable and deeply regrettable.” This came days after it protested Chinese mobile drilling rigs in the East China Sea.

While the Chinese Commerce Ministry did not mention rare earths curbs, the official newspaper China Daily, seen as a government mouthpiece, quoted anonymous sources saying Beijing was considering tightening exports of certain rare earths to Japan.

On Wednesday, the focus turned to a gas called dichlorosilane, used in computer chip manufacturing. The Commerce Ministry said it had launched an investigation into why the price of dichlorosilane imported from Japan had decreased 31% between 2022 and 2024. “The dumping of imported products from Japan has damaged the production and operation of our domestic industry,” it said.

Finally, on Thursday, China’s Arms Control and Disarmament Association, a nongovernment agency (inasmuch as any agency in China is nongovernmental) released with some fanfare a report provocatively titled “Nuclear Ambitions of Japan’s Right-Wing Forces: A Serious Threat to World Peace.” It spent 29 pages outlining worries and accusations that Tokyo harbors dangerous nuclear ambitions.

But it also went broader, invoking once again its stance that the nation’s right-wing leaders — and, by extension, the whole country itself — have “failed to reflect on Japan’s history of aggression.”

“Japan has never been able to fully eliminate the scourge of militarism in the country,” the report said. “If Japan’s right-wing forces are left free to develop powerful offensive weapons, or even possess nuclear weapons, it will again bring disaster to the world.”

Enter Seoul

Also part of the equation this week: China’s visible pivot to another regional neighbor, South Korea, whose president spent four days in Beijing. Seoul has a bumpy history of its own with Japanese aggression and also sporadic — though generally less intense — friction with Beijing, a longtime supporter and ally of its rival North Korea.

Chinese media gave splashy coverage to Lee Jae Myung’s visit, touting new Beijing-Seoul agreements on trade, environmental protection and transportation — and notably technology, given the dual-export ban. Also visible: Lee at two business events watching major companies pledge increased collaboration. The sides signed 24 export contracts worth a combined $44 million, according to South Korea’s Ministry of Trade, Industry and Resources.

The burst of official affection toward South Korea didn’t stop with Lee. While he was here, Chinese media reported that South Korea overtook Japan as the leading destination for outbound flights from the mainland over New Year’s. That’s on top of Beijing’s recent efforts to discourage Chinese from traveling to Japan, citing “significant risks to the personal safety and lives of Chinese citizens” there.

For now, Japan-China tension remains a matter of rhetoric and policy. But no one is predicting a quick resolution. With Japan’s staunch ally, the United States, planning to furnish more arms to Taiwan in a single sale than ever before, there’s too much at stake for both East Asian nations at this moment — and too much contentious history — for an easy and quick solution.

“This time ... de-escalation and a return to the status quo may not be as easily achieved,” Sebastian Maslow, an East Asia specialist and associate professor of international relations at the University of Tokyo, wrote in The Conversation last month. “With diplomatic channels in short supply and domestic political agendas paramount, an off-ramp for the current dispute is not in sight.”

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Ted Anthony has written about China for The Associated Press since 1994.

TED ANTHONY TED ANTHONY Anthony writes about American culture and international affairs for The Associated Press. He has been with AP since 1992 and has reported from more than 30 countries. twitter mailto