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英文媒体关于中国的报道汇总 2025-11-04

November 6, 2025   6 min   1245 words

文章摘要: 这篇文章讨论了美国总统唐纳德特朗普(Donald Trump)在外交关系中使用“G2”一词,即中美两国集团(Group of Two)的缩写。特朗普在社交媒体上发表了一篇简短的文章,称中美两国将召开“G2”峰会,这引起了人们对中美关系的关注。作者回顾了“G2”一词的起源,最初由美国经济学家C. Fred Bergsten于2005年提出,旨在促进中美两国之间的对话。然而,该术语也暗示了中美两国之间的权力平衡,这引起了美国盟友的担忧。文章还探讨了中国对“G2”的反应,以及中国学者和官员对中美关系的看法。 评论: 这篇文章虽然提供了对特朗普使用“G2”一词的背景和历史的洞察,但它也体现了西方媒体对中国报道的偏见和片面性。 1. 片面强调中国崛起的威胁:文章过度强调了中国崛起带来的潜在威胁,尤其是对美国盟友的影响。它引用了美国官员和学者的观点,表达了对中国在“G2”框架下可能寻求主导地位的担忧。然而,它忽略了中国官方和学者的澄清,即“G2”并不意味着中美共同统治世界,而是强调两国关系的重要性和加强沟通协调的必要性。 2. 忽视中国外交政策的复杂性:文章将中国外交政策简单地归结为对抗西方“遏制”政策和寻求权力平衡。它没有充分探讨中国外交政策的复杂性多边主义立场和维护世界和平稳定的努力。中国提出的“一带一路”倡议不仅是为了扩大影响力,也是为了促进全球互联互通和共同发展。 3. 缺乏对中美关系的全面分析:文章主要关注“G2”一词的使用和争议,而没有提供对中美关系的全面分析。它没有探讨两国在经济贸易科技等领域的合作潜力,也没有提及两国在应对全球性挑战(如气候变化公共卫生等)方面的共同利益。 4. 夸大特朗普言论的影响:文章夸大了特朗普使用“G2”一词对美国盟友造成的“焦虑”。虽然特朗普的言论可能会引起一些担忧,但美国盟友的反应可能更加复杂和多样化。文章没有提供足够的证据来支持“特朗普政府将与中国达成协议,可能损害盟友利益”的论点。 5. 忽视历史背景和文化差异:文章没有充分考虑中美两国不同的历史背景和文化差异。中国对“遏制”政策的反对可以追溯到20世纪初,反映了中国对维护主权和独立的不懈追求。西方媒体需要理解中国的历史经验和文化背景,以更全面和客观地报道中国。 总之,这篇文章虽然提供了关于“G2”一词的有用背景,但它也体现了西方媒体对中国报道的偏见和片面性。为了促进更客观和公正的报道,媒体应努力提供更全面的分析,考虑中国的历史文化外交政策的复杂性,并避免过度强调威胁和夸大影响。

  • G2 or not G2: Trump’s new favorite term for US-China relations carries a lot of history’s baggage

摘要

1. G2 or not G2: Trump’s new favorite term for US-China relations carries a lot of history’s baggage

中文标题:G2还是非G2:特朗普对美中关系的新偏爱用语承载着许多历史负担

内容摘要:在2025年10月30日,美国总统特朗普与中国国家主席习近平在韩国举行峰会,期间特朗普在社交媒体上提到“G2”这一术语,引发关注。G2意指中美两国作为全球主要经济体的平等对话,最早由经济学家伯格斯滕于2005年提出。特朗普的这一表态受到了中国的欢迎,表明中国在向全球重要角色的转变中取得了一定成果。然而,此概念的复兴令美国盟友感到忧虑,他们担心这种对等关系可能会影响美国在国际事务中的地位。 评论认为,G2的提出可能暗示着中国和美国将共享更大的国际决策权。中国学者指出,这一新G2并不意味着中美共治世界,而是强调两国关系的重要性和沟通的必要。尽管如此,美国在过去对这一术语持否定态度,认为其暗示美国对中国的让步,可能会造成周边国家的不安。


G2 or not G2: Trump’s new favorite term for US-China relations carries a lot of history’s baggage

https://apnews.com/article/china-united-states-trump-xi-g2-b6a79a6b81d56fb3a29c7a66a3391636President Donald Trump, left, and Chinese President Xi Jinping, right, shake hands after their U.S.-China summit meeting at Gimhae International Airport Jinping in Busan, South Korea, Thursday, Oct. 30, 2025. (AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein)

2025-11-04T02:00:59Z

WASHINGTON (AP) — In diplomacy, even short words matter. And with a brief Truth Social post, President Donald Trump may have revealed his approach to the U.S.-China relationship — to the delight of reputation-conscious Beijing but to the worries of U.S. allies concerned with China’s ascending global power.

“The G2 WILL BE CONVENING SHORTLY!” Trump wrote moments before he headed into a widely watched summit with Chinese leader Xi Jinping on Oct. 30 in South Korea, reviving a phrase that dates to the early 2000s but had been rejected by Washington for at least the past decade — including during Trump’s first term.

G2, or Group of Two, was first proposed by American economist C. Fred Bergsten in 2005 to urge what he considered the necessity for the two major economies to talk to each other. It has come to imply a power equilibrium between the two nations — something that Beijing has long coveted as it ascended from regional powerhouse to pivotal global player.

But that equilibrium, and how China might approach it, stirs fears among U.S. allies and partners.

“The G2 concept implies that China and the United States are peers on the global stage and their positions should be given equal weight,” said Neil Thomas, a fellow on Chinese politics at the Asia Society Policy Institute.

Trump’s use of the once-discarded term has come at a time when observers and analysts, including those advising Beijing, are deciphering his administration’s China policy, which has yet to crystallize in the face of a more assertive Chinese government.

It’s spreading

To understand the term’s significance beyond diplomatic circles, it’s important to look into China’s past.

From the beginning of the 20th century, even before its communist government took power, China objected to Western attempts to “contain” it. After World War II, the “containment policy” became a common way of describing a strategy the Chinese government felt was an institutionalized way of keeping it disempowered and in its place.

Much of Chinese diplomacy during the early 2000s was keyed to upending this pillar of the world order. Even today, China’s vaunted “ Belt and Road ” initiative is designed to spread Chinese influence and, in part, combat what used to be called containment.

In a weekend post, Trump called his “G2 meeting with President Xi of China” a great one for both countries, and wrote: “This meeting will lead to everlasting peace and success. God bless both China and the USA!” Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth repeated the term in an X post after he spoke with Chinese Defense Minister Dong Jun.

Mira Rapp-Hooper, a former Biden administration official, warned that Trump’s use of the term will likely have “provoked significant anxiety in allied capitals, where allies fear that the Trump administration will cut deals with China that may leave them at a disadvantage.”

The term’s new rise has pleased Bergsten, who said he never meant for the G2 to supplant other multilateral groupings or international organizations — such as the G7 or G20 — but to work out “the necessary cooperation between the two big superpowers.”

“It does not mean the U.S. and China telling the rest of the world what to do, or trying to dictate to the rest of the world,” he said.

“I think (Trump) was using it as shorthand for the two biggest, most important economies getting together to talk about the whole range of global economic issues,” Bergsten told The Associated Press on Friday. “So it really, it is the vision that I had 20 years ago when I proposed the concept.”

China reacts to the new G2

Chinese commentators immediately picked up on Trump’s use of G2 — and somewhat triumphally.

“Trump’s G2, to some extent, is that the U.S. has accepted the reality that it no longer has the unipolar position but wants to build a bipolar world with China,” commented Housha Yueguang, a popular blog account known for its nationalist leanings. “It means Europe is no longer important, let alone Japan or India.”

The day after Trump posted the remark, a journalist for an Indian news service asked at a Chinese Foreign Ministry daily briefing whether the two countries were working for the creation of a G2 group, which the journalist said could change the world order.

Guo Jiakun, a ministry spokesperson, said the two countries “can jointly shoulder our responsibilities as major countries.” Guo adhered to Beijing’s line that the country would “continue to practice true multilateralism” and “work for an equal and orderly multipolar world.”

Zhao Minghao, a Chinese scholar on China-U.S. relations, said the new G2 “does not mean China and the U.S. co-ruling the world,” nor does it mean that cooperation will replace competition in bilateral relations.

“It means the two countries will again examine the importance of the China-U.S. relations and be willing to conduct more communications and coordination,” Zhao wrote in an article published on the Hong Kong news site hk01.com.

Washington has rejected the term in the past

Bergsten said he proposed the concept 20 years ago when China was rising rapidly as an economic power and believed it was essential for the two countries — which he predicted would soon be the only two economic superpowers — to get together to “get any kind of progress on international economic issues.”

The term was discussed and pursued for a few years but faded when China and the United States diverged after the financial crisis.

Rapp-Hooper, who served as senior director for East Asia and Oceania at the National Security Council in the Biden administration, is now a partner at The Asia Group. She said the term was popularized in the early years of the Obama administration. It came, she said, from some senior officials who thought the two countries should define their relationship through cooperation to address global problems.

While China embraced the term, Washington came to discredit it because it implied that the United States and China would make major global decisions without other U.S. partners present, particularly its allies, she said.

“It is a term that plays very poorly in countries like Japan, Australia and India,” Rapp-Hooper said. “They hear the United States deferring to Chinese preferences in Asia, potentially at a cost to their interest.”

Kurt Campbell, deputy secretary of state in the Biden administration, said there were “real anxieties in Asia about the way the actual G2 was manifested.”

It wasn’t just the notion that the countries were making decisions that would affect the region, said Campbell, now chairman of The Asia Group. “It was how China used the concept or the idea of it to make other surrounding nations feel insecure.”

It is a concept, he said, that “has been powerfully delegitimized.”

DIDI TANG DIDI TANG Tang joined the AP Washington bureau in 2023 after spending 11 years in Beijing as a China correspondent. She covers anything related to the Indo-Pacific region with a focus on U.S.-China competitions mailto

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