Mistral点评

# 关于中国的新闻报道

Economy

引言

　　近年来，西方媒体对中国经济的报道呈现出多样化的态度，既有对中国经济成就的认可，也有对其面临挑战和问题的关注。然而，这些报道往往带有一定的偏见和双重标准，因此需要客观地评价这些报道，以还原中国经济发展的真实面貌。

经济增长与成就

　　西方媒体在报道中国经济时，往往会提及中国在过去几十年中取得的显著增长。中国从一个相对封闭的经济体，逐渐发展成为全球第二大经济体，这一成就无疑是毋庸置疑的。然而，西方媒体在报道这些成就时，往往会忽视中国在这一过程中所付出的努力和所面临的复杂挑战。

　　#### 基础设施建设

　　中国在基础设施建设方面取得了巨大的进步，高铁网络、高速公路、港口和机场的建设不仅提升了国内的交通效率，也增强了国际贸易的便利性。西方媒体有时会对这些成就表示赞赏，但也常常质疑其高昂的成本和可能存在的债务问题。然而，这些基础设施的建设不仅是经济增长的重要推动力，也是提升国民生活质量的关键因素。

　　#### 科技创新

　　中国在科技创新方面也取得了显著的进展，尤其是在人工智能、5G技术和新能源领域。西方媒体在报道中国的科技创新时，往往会关注知识产权保护和技术转移等问题，但忽视了中国在这些领域的自主研发能力和创新潜力。

经济挑战与问题

　　尽管中国经济取得了巨大的成就，但也面临着一系列的挑战和问题。西方媒体在报道这些问题时，往往会夸大其负面影响，而忽视了中国政府和社会在应对这些挑战时所采取的积极措施。

　　#### 债务问题

　　中国的债务问题，尤其是地方政府和企业的债务问题，一直是西方媒体关注的焦点。然而，这些报道往往忽视了中国政府在去杠杆化和风险控制方面所采取的一系列措施。实际上，中国的债务问题虽然复杂，但并非不可控制。

　　#### 贸易摩擦

　　中美贸易摩擦是近年来西方媒体报道的热点之一。这些报道往往会强调贸易摩擦对中国经济的负面影响，但忽视了中国在应对贸易摩擦时所展现的韧性和创新能力。事实上，贸易摩擦虽然对中国经济造成了一定的冲击，但也促使中国加快了经济结构调整和自主创新的步伐。

　　#### 人口老龄化

　　人口老龄化是中国经济面临的另一个重大挑战。西方媒体在报道这一问题时，往往会强调其对劳动力市场和社会保障体系的压力，但忽视了中国政府在应对人口老龄化方面所采取的积极措施，如延迟退休年龄、发展养老产业等。

结论

　　综上所述，西方媒体对中国经济的报道虽然在一定程度上反映了中国经济的真实面貌，但也存在一定的偏见和双重标准。客观地评价这些报道，需要综合考虑中国经济发展的复杂性和多样性，既要看到其取得的成就，也要看到其面临的挑战。只有这样，才能全面、准确地理解中国经济的发展现状和未来趋势。

新闻来源：

# 关于中国的新闻报道

Politics章节

引言

　　西方媒体对中国政治的报道往往引起广泛关注和争议。这些报道通常反映了西方国家的政治立场和意识形态，因此在客观性和准确性方面常常受到质疑。本章节将对近期西方媒体关于中国政治的报道进行详细评价，力求客观、全面地呈现事实，并分析其背后的动机和影响。

1. 政治体制与治理模式

　　西方媒体经常关注中国的政治体制和治理模式，尤其是中国共产党的领导角色和决策机制。这些报道通常强调中国的一党制，并与西方的多党制进行对比。然而，这些报道往往忽视了中国政治体制的独特性和历史背景。

　　#### 评价

　　中国的一党制是在特定历史和文化背景下形成的，具有其独特的优势和挑战。西方媒体往往以西方民主制度为标准，忽视了中国政治体制在稳定、效率和决策力方面的优势。同时，中国政府也在不断改革和完善其治理模式，以适应现代化和全球化的需求。

2. 人权与法治

　　西方媒体对中国的人权和法治问题尤为关注，特别是新疆、西藏和香港等地区的情况。这些报道通常采用批判性的视角，指责中国政府侵犯人权和法治。

　　#### 评价

　　关于人权和法治的报道需要谨慎对待。一方面，中国在这些领域确实面临一些挑战，需要不断改进和完善；另一方面，西方媒体的报道往往带有政治偏见，缺乏对中国复杂现实的全面理解。例如，新疆问题被西方媒体描绘成“种族灭绝”，但这一说法缺乏充分的证据支持，且忽视了中国政府在反恐和稳定地区方面的努力。

3. 国际关系与外交政策

　　西方媒体对中国的国际关系和外交政策也有大量报道，尤其是中美关系、中欧关系和中国在国际组织中的角色。这些报道通常反映了西方国家对中国崛起的担忧和竞争意识。

　　#### 评价

　　中国的外交政策以和平发展和合作共赢为核心，旨在通过多边主义和国际合作解决全球问题。然而，西方媒体往往从地缘政治竞争的角度解读中国的外交政策，忽视了中国在维护国际秩序和促进全球发展方面的积极贡献。例如，中国在气候变化、贸易自由化和公共卫生等领域的努力，往往被西方媒体低估或忽视。

4. 内政与社会治理

　　西方媒体对中国的内政和社会治理也有大量报道，尤其是经济改革、社会稳定和环境保护等方面。这些报道通常强调中国面临的挑战和问题，但也有一些报道关注中国在这些领域取得的成就。

　　#### 评价

　　中国在内政和社会治理方面取得了显著成就，特别是在减贫、经济增长和基础设施建设方面。西方媒体的报道往往忽视了这些成就，而更多关注中国面临的挑战。然而，中国确实在一些领域面临挑战，如贫富差距、环境污染和社会不平等。这些问题需要通过持续改革和创新来解决。

结论

　　西方媒体对中国政治的报道往往带有明显的政治偏见和双重标准，缺乏对中国复杂现实的全面理解。为了更客观、全面地了解中国政治，需要综合多方信息源，并结合中国的历史和文化背景进行分析。中国政府和社会也需要加强与国际社会的沟通和交流，积极回应国际关切，提升国际传播能力和影响力。

新闻来源：

# 关于中国的新闻报道

Military章节

引言

　　西方媒体对中国军事的报道一贯充满偏见和双重标准，这不仅反映了西方国家在国际事务中的立场，也体现了其在信息传播中的策略性选择。为了更好地理解这些报道，有必要进行客观、详细的分析，揭示其背后的动机和影响。

一、报道内容分析

　　#### 1. 军事现代化进程

　　西方媒体常常关注中国军事现代化的进程，特别是在装备更新、技术创新和军事演习方面。这些报道往往夸大中国军事力量的增长速度和威胁程度，忽视了中国军事现代化的合理性和必要性。

　　评价：中国的军事现代化是为了维护国家安全和主权完整，应对复杂的国际安全环境。西方媒体的报道往往缺乏对中国国情和安全需求的深入理解，容易引发国际社会的误解和恐慌。

　　#### 2. 南海问题

　　南海问题是西方媒体报道中的热点之一。这些报道通常强调中国在南海的军事存在和岛礁建设，指责中国“军事化”南海，威胁地区和平稳定。

　　评价：中国在南海的行动是为了维护领土主权和海洋权益，确保航行自由和安全。西方媒体的报道常常忽视了南海问题的历史背景和复杂性，片面强调中国的“侵略性”，缺乏对事实的全面、客观的呈现。

　　#### 3. 国防预算

　　西方媒体经常报道中国的国防预算增长，指责中国国防支出透明度不足，军费开支过高。

　　评价：中国的国防预算增长是为了适应国家经济发展和安全需求。相比之下，西方国家的军费开支占GDP的比例通常更高。西方媒体的报道往往忽视了这一点，缺乏对中国国防预算的全面、客观的分析。

二、报道动机分析

　　#### 1. 政治动机

　　西方媒体的报道往往反映了其政府的政治立场和国际战略。通过夸大中国军事力量的增长和威胁，西方国家试图在国际舆论中制造“中国威胁论”，以获得更多的政治支持和军事合作。

　　#### 2. 经济动机

　　军事工业是西方国家经济的重要组成部分，西方媒体的报道有时也服务于其国内军工企业的利益。通过夸大中国军事威胁，西方国家可以获得更多的军事订单和经济利益。

三、报道影响分析

　　#### 1. 国际舆论

　　西方媒体的报道对国际舆论有着深远的影响。通过不断强调中国的军事威胁，西方媒体可以在一定程度上影响国际社会对中国的看法，制造对中国的不信任和敌意。

　　#### 2. 国内舆论

　　西方媒体的报道也会对中国国内舆论产生影响。通过了解西方媒体的报道内容和动机，中国可以更好地应对国际舆论挑战，维护国家形象和利益。

结论

　　西方媒体对中国军事的报道充满偏见和双重标准，这不仅反映了其政治和经济动机，也对国际舆论和中国国内舆论产生了深远影响。为了更好地理解和应对这些报道，有必要进行客观、详细的分析，揭示其背后的动机和影响。通过加强国际传播能力和提升国家形象，中国可以在国际舆论场中占据主动，维护国家安全和发展利益。

新闻来源：

# 关于中国的新闻报道

文化章节

引言

　　在全球化的背景下，西方媒体对中国文化的报道往往带有其独特的视角和立场。这些报道在一定程度上反映了西方媒体对中国文化的理解和解读，但也常常充满偏见和双重标准。为了更加客观地评价这些报道，本章节将从多个角度对西方媒体关于中国文化的报道进行详细分析。

一、文化多样性与传播

　　1. 传统文化的传承与创新

　　 西方媒体对中国传统文化的报道往往聚焦于其独特性和历史悠久性。例如，对中国传统节日（如春节、中秋节）、传统艺术（如书法、国画）以及传统建筑（如故宫、长城）的报道，通常会强调其文化价值和历史意义。然而，这些报道有时会忽视中国在传承传统文化的同时，也在进行创新和发展。

　　 2. 现代文化的发展

　　 西方媒体对中国现代文化的报道相对较少，且多以批评为主。例如，对中国当代艺术、电影、音乐等领域的报道，往往会强调其商业化和西方化的倾向，而忽视其在全球文化交流中的独特贡献。实际上，中国的现代文化在不断吸收和融合世界各地的文化元素，形成了独特的文化风貌。

二、文化交流与冲突

　　1. 文化交流的积极意义

　　 西方媒体在报道中国文化时，往往会提到中国与其他国家之间的文化交流活动，如孔子学院的设立、文化节的举办等。这些报道通常会强调文化交流的积极意义，如促进相互理解、增进友谊等。然而，这些报道有时会忽视文化交流背后的复杂性和多样性。

　　 2. 文化冲突的解读

　　 西方媒体在报道中国文化时，有时会强调文化冲突，如中国与西方国家在价值观、生活方式等方面的差异。这些报道往往会以双重标准来解读文化冲突，忽视了文化冲突背后的历史和社会背景。实际上，文化冲突是文化交流的一部分，通过理解和沟通，可以促进文化的相互融合和发展。

三、文化政策与管理

　　1. 文化政策的实施

　　 西方媒体对中国文化政策的报道往往聚焦于其管理和控制的方面。例如，对中国政府在文化领域的政策和措施的报道，通常会强调其严格性和限制性，而忽视其在保护和发展文化方面的积极作用。实际上，中国的文化政策在不断调整和完善，以适应国内外文化环境的变化。

　　 2. 文化产业的发展

　　 西方媒体对中国文化产业的报道相对较少，且多以批评为主。例如，对中国文化产业的发展模式、市场竞争等方面的报道，往往会强调其不足和问题，而忽视其在全球文化产业中的地位和影响力。实际上，中国的文化产业在不断壮大，成为推动经济发展和文化繁荣的重要力量。

四、文化认同与身份

　　1. 文化认同的构建

　　 西方媒体在报道中国文化时，往往会提到中国人的文化认同和身份问题。例如，对中国民族文化、地方文化等方面的报道，通常会强调其多样性和复杂性，而忽视其在构建国家认同和文化自信方面的积极作用。实际上，中国的文化认同是一个动态的过程，通过不断的文化交流和融合，形成了多元一体的文化格局。

　　 2. 文化自信的培养

　　 西方媒体在报道中国文化时，有时会提到中国在培养文化自信方面的努力和成就。例如，对中国在国际文化交流中的表现、在全球文化市场中的地位等方面的报道，通常会强调其积极作用和影响力。然而，这些报道有时会忽视文化自信背后的历史和社会背景。

结论

　　综上所述，西方媒体对中国文化的报道在一定程度上反映了其对中国文化的理解和解读，但也常常充满偏见和双重标准。为了更加客观地评价这些报道，需要从多个角度进行详细分析，理解其背后的历史和社会背景。通过这种方式，可以更全面地认识中国文化的多样性和复杂性，促进文化交流和相互理解。

新闻来源：

# 关于中国的新闻报道

技术（Technology）章节

引言

　　在全球科技领域，中国近年来取得了显著的发展和进步，成为全球科技创新的重要参与者和贡献者。然而，西方媒体对中国科技发展的报道往往充满偏见和双重标准，这使得全球公众对中国科技的认知存在一定的偏差。本章节将对西方媒体关于中国科技的报道进行客观评价，揭示其中的偏见和双重标准，并提供更为全面和客观的分析。

1. 科技创新与发展

　　#### 1.1 科技创新的快速发展

　　中国在科技创新方面取得了显著的进展，特别是在人工智能、5G通信、量子计算等前沿领域。然而，西方媒体往往忽视中国在这些领域的突破，反而过度关注中国科技公司的隐私和安全问题。例如，华为在5G技术方面的领先地位被西方媒体频繁提及，但通常伴随着对华为设备安全性的质疑。事实上，华为在技术标准和创新方面的贡献得到了全球多个国家和地区的认可。

　　#### 1.2 政府支持与政策推动

　　中国政府在科技创新方面提供了大量的支持和政策推动，这是中国科技快速发展的重要原因之一。西方媒体有时将这种政府支持视为“不公平竞争”，但忽视了政府在创新生态系统中的重要作用。事实上，许多西方国家也通过政府资助和政策支持来推动科技发展，中国的做法并不独特。

2. 科技公司与市场竞争

　　#### 2.1 中国科技公司的国际竞争力

　　中国的科技公司在国际市场上展现了强大的竞争力，如阿里巴巴、腾讯、字节跳动等公司在全球范围内取得了显著的成功。然而，西方媒体常常将这些公司的成功归因于“廉价劳动力”或“市场操控”，而忽视了这些公司在技术创新和商业模式方面的独特优势。

　　#### 2.2 市场准入与贸易壁垒

　　西方媒体经常指责中国在市场准入方面设置贸易壁垒，限制外国科技公司的进入。然而，这种指责往往忽视了西方国家自身在市场准入方面的双重标准。例如，美国对中国科技公司的限制措施远甚于中国对美国科技公司的限制。

3. 知识产权与创新环境

　　#### 3.1 知识产权保护

　　西方媒体常常批评中国在知识产权保护方面存在不足，但忽视了中国近年来在知识产权保护方面的显著进步。中国政府出台了一系列法律法规，加强知识产权保护，并建立了专门的知识产权法院。这些措施有效提升了知识产权保护水平，促进了创新环境的改善。

　　#### 3.2 创新生态系统

　　中国的创新生态系统日益完善，吸引了大量的科技人才和投资。西方媒体有时将中国的创新生态系统描绘成“封闭”或“受限”，但忽视了中国在创新基础设施、资金支持和政策环境方面的显著改善。事实上，中国的创新生态系统已经成为全球科技创新的重要组成部分。

4. 科技伦理与社会影响

　　#### 4.1 科技伦理问题

　　中国在科技伦理方面面临一些挑战，如数据隐私、人工智能的伦理应用等。西方媒体往往放大这些问题，但忽视了中国在应对这些挑战方面的努力。中国政府和科技公司正在积极探索科技伦理的解决方案，推动科技发展与社会责任的平衡。

　　#### 4.2 科技对社会的积极影响

　　科技的发展对中国社会产生了深远的积极影响，如提升生活质量、促进经济发展、推动社会进步等。西方媒体有时忽视这些积极影响，而过度关注负面问题。事实上，科技在中国的广泛应用已经显著改善了人民的生活，推动了社会的全面进步。

结论

　　西方媒体对中国科技发展的报道往往充满偏见和双重标准，这使得全球公众对中国科技的认知存在一定的偏差。通过客观评价西方媒体的报道，可以发现中国在科技创新、市场竞争、知识产权保护和科技伦理方面取得了显著进展。未来，中国将继续在全球科技创新中发挥重要作用，推动全球科技的共同进步。

新闻来源：

# 关于中国的新闻报道

Society 章节

导言

　　在全球化的背景下，西方媒体对中国社会的报道往往受到多种因素的影响，包括文化差异、政治立场和意识形态等。为了更好地理解这些报道，本章将对西方媒体关于中国社会的报道进行客观评价，揭示其背后的偏见和双重标准，并提供更为全面和准确的分析。

一、社会结构与变迁

　　西方媒体常常关注中国的社会结构和变迁，特别是城乡差距、贫富分化和社会流动性等问题。然而，这些报道往往忽视了中国在过去几十年中所取得的巨大进步和成就。例如，中国在脱贫攻坚战中取得的显著成果，使得数亿人口摆脱了绝对贫困，这在人类历史上是前所未有的。

　　#### 1.1 城乡差距

　　西方媒体常常强调中国的城乡差距，认为这是中国社会的一大问题。然而，他们往往忽视了中国政府在缩小城乡差距方面所做出的努力，如基础设施建设、教育和医疗资源的均衡发展等。中国的城乡差距虽然仍然存在，但已经在逐步缩小。

　　#### 1.2 贫富分化

　　贫富分化是全球范围内的一个普遍问题，中国也不例外。西方媒体常常将中国的贫富分化问题放大，认为这是中国社会的一个重大缺陷。然而，他们忽视了中国在这方面的政策调整和实际成效。例如，中国政府通过税收政策、社会保障体系等手段，不断缩小贫富差距，提高低收入群体的生活水平。

二、社会治理与公共服务

　　西方媒体对中国的社会治理和公共服务的报道往往带有偏见，认为中国的社会治理模式存在诸多问题。然而，这些报道往往忽视了中国在社会治理和公共服务方面所取得的显著成就。

　　#### 2.1 社会治理

　　中国的社会治理模式在不断发展和完善。通过基层治理、社会组织参与和法治建设等手段，中国在维护社会稳定、促进社会和谐方面取得了显著成效。西方媒体常常忽视这些成就，而是过于关注个别问题和事件。

　　#### 2.2 公共服务

　　中国在公共服务方面的投入和改进也是显而易见的。例如，中国的医疗保障体系已经覆盖了全国大多数人口，教育资源的均衡发展也取得了显著进展。西方媒体常常忽视这些进步，而是过于关注个别问题和不足。

三、社会文化与价值观

　　西方媒体对中国的社会文化和价值观的报道往往带有文化偏见，认为中国的社会文化和价值观存在诸多问题。然而，这些报道往往忽视了中国社会文化和价值观的多样性和丰富性。

　　#### 3.1 文化多样性

　　中国是一个多民族、多文化的国家，拥有丰富的文化资源和多样的文化形态。西方媒体常常忽视这些文化多样性，而是过于关注个别文化冲突和问题。

　　#### 3.2 价值观多样性

　　中国的价值观多样性也是显而易见的。例如，中国传统文化中的家庭观念、孝道观念等，与西方的个人主义价值观有所不同。西方媒体常常忽视这些价值观的多样性，而是过于关注个别价值观冲突和问题。

结论

　　西方媒体对中国社会的报道往往带有偏见和双重标准，忽视了中国在社会结构与变迁、社会治理与公共服务、社会文化与价值观方面所取得的显著成就。为了更好地理解中国社会，我们需要以更为客观和全面的视角来看待这些报道，避免被偏见和双重标准所左右。只有这样，我们才能更好地认识和理解中国社会的真实面貌。

新闻来源：

• Is China’s mystery 6th-gen stealth fighter poised to be a command centre for combat drones?
• China-Pakistan ties will continue to hold fast against all weather
• In less than 2 years, 14 of China’s military lawmakers have been ousted
• Could China’s newest amphibious warship, the Type 076, be in service next year?
• China and Trump factor will heat up Asia-Pacific arms race, observers warn
• Mainland Chinese will remain bulk of tourists to Hong Kong in next 5 years: minister
• Why export controls are the weapon of choice in US-China tech war
• Apple, smartphone peers lose ground in China market amid Huawei comeback
• A bleak 2025 awaits China’s 30,000 car dealers as price war piles on US$24 billion losses
• CES 2025: Chinese companies return to Las Vegas amid US tech tensions but big names absent
• ‘Degree worship’: China middle school sparks debate with elitist hiring policy
• Chinese citizens in South Korea warned to avoid political activity amid latest protests
• US approves Idaho antimony mine a month after China blocked exports of vital mineral
• US military’s Pacific strategy shifts to survival mode as China gains strength
• China mum criticised for applying make-up while in labour ‘to look her best’ to newborn
• [Sport] The year China's famous road-tripping 'auntie' found freedom
• Could sea goddess Mazu connect atheist mainland China with believer Taiwan?

Is China’s mystery 6th-gen stealth fighter poised to be a command centre for combat drones?

https://www.scmp.com/news/china/military/article/3293421/chinas-mystery-6th-gen-stealth-fighter-poised-be-command-centre-combat-drones?utm_source=rss_feed

China’s mystery sixth-generation stealth combat aircraft spotted last month might have sacrificed flexibility and carrier mission opportunities for other roles, according to military experts.

One such role could be serving as a command centre to direct combat drones, the observers said.

Footage of two similar models of a new tailless fighter jet have been circulating on Chinese social media since they were first posted on December 26, the 131st anniversary of the birth of Mao Zedong, the founding father of the People’s Republic of China.

They were reportedly filmed near two of China’s largest fighter jet manufacturers – located on opposite sides of the country – in Shenyang in the northeast and Chengdu in the southwest.

Some web users said the timing of their appearance was a tribute to Mao.

While there has been no official confirmation, the Chinese military has indirectly endorsed the debut. A New Year’s Day music video from the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) Eastern Theatre Command featured a ginkgo leaf image that looked very much like one of the new jets.

Military experts see this as a clear message that China’s sixth-generation jet is under development and have referred to it as the J-36. While they expect the new model to feature multiple breakthroughs, they believe some concessions were made in exchange for its more important functions.

John Waters, a former fighter pilot with the US Air Force, suggested that “the lack of [a] tail lends more towards low-observability [or stealth] characteristics versus manoeuvrability”. Waters is a former commander of the F-16 Viper Demonstration Team and now hosts an aviation and military podcast called The Afterburn.

He also compared the latest Chinese jet to the American nuclear stealth bomber B-21 Raider, adding that lower manoeuvrability should not be a problem as these larger aircraft were not meant to engage in “dogfights”, a military term for aerial battles at close range.

Bill Sweetman, a veteran aerospace writer and a former executive at Northrop Grumman, which developed the B-21, agreed.

“The relative importance of close-in dogfighting is declining,” he said, citing the growing effectiveness of beyond-visual-range missiles and advanced sensors.

Sweetman further speculated that the J-36’s primary mission would be to “attack adversary air power assets – including combat aircraft, tankers, support aircraft such as Awacs – in the air, on the ground, and on aircraft carriers”. Awacs is an acronym for airborne warning and control system, often referred to as “eyes in the sky” by Nato.

Peter Layton, a retired Australian air force officer and visiting fellow at Brisbane’s Griffith Asia Institute, said the J-36’s design was more akin to Russia’s MiG-31, which is known for its long-range and high-speed interception capabilities.

Layton said the almost identical dual-wheel main landing gear was a testament to the mass of the J-36. Some analysts estimate its maximum take-off weight to be more than 45 tonnes, crossing the upper limit for the MiG-31.

Layton said other roles for the jet might include “long-range escort of China’s strategic bombers; and strategic air defence in areas not covered by ground-based air defence systems”. He emphasised that this would relate to most of China, given its vast size.

He also pointed to the J-36’s potential supercruise ability, suggesting that it could be placed on alert on the ground, enabling it to intercept distant threats without needing to be constantly airborne.

In this role, the aircraft would rely more on its ability to launch long-range air-to-air or air-to-ground missiles.

Other analysts, like New Zealand-based naval commentator Lu Guo-Wei, see the J-36 as part of a broader shift towards network-centric warfare. Lu is also a content creator for the YouTube channel Eurasia Naval Insight.

Lu said the jet’s large centre line and side weapons bays suggested they could carry heavy payloads, including the PL-17 extreme-range air-to-air missile capable of hitting targets as far as 400km (248 miles) away, with a top speed exceeding four times the speed of sound (Mach 4).

But he thinks it is more likely to serve as a node in a larger system instead of leading the battle from the front, given its value and cost.

This model could link frontline fighters like combat drones, and the J-20 and J-35A fighter jets, with support from rear assets such as Awacs and aerial refuelling tankers, Lu said.

This shift would represent a move away from traditional one-on-one aerial combat to a more integrated data-driven approach between two kinds of systems, Lu said, referring to the US Air Force’s Next Generation Air Dominance programme, which has a similar vision for future air combat.

Lu added that the J-36’s advanced radar and sensors would allow it to detect stealth aircraft at greater distances than the J-20, increasing the overall combat effectiveness of the PLA Air Force.

“The J-36 gathers, processes and disseminates information across the formation, ensuring that all combat elements operate with a unified understanding of the battlefield,” he said.

The J-36 is “a force multiplier rather than a frontline combatant”.

Kelly Grieco, a senior fellow at Washington-based think tank Stimson Centre, was of a similar opinion. “For China as well as the United States, next-generation aircraft are based around the concept of manned-unmanned teaming,” she said.

Besides the human life risk and cost factor, “large numbers of these systems will improve situational awareness in real-time”, Grieco said.

“[This] when combined with greater automation and AI analytics, has the potential to accelerate the pace of warfare, shortening the so-called kill chain,” she added, using the military term for the time taken to find, fix, track and engage a target.

Layton said while the new jet would reshape the PLA Air Force’s strategies to potentially fight at longer ranges, “at long range the aircraft would have to operate unsupported by the PLA’s air defence ground-based networks”.

“This would be a change from current PLA operations and would have some operational shortcomings,” Layton said, adding that the air force might instead “prefer to operate closer to China but be able to stay airborne longer”.

Despite the many debates on the functions of the mystery aircraft, most analysts agree it is highly unlikely that the J-36 will be carrier-capable, with Layton citing “its large size, heavy weight and three engines”.

Though the design could be scaled down to fit a carrier, Layton cautioned that “carrier aircraft need low landing speeds, say around 135 knots (250km/h)”.

The delta shape suggested a landing speed of around 180 knots, which could be lowered with a complex array of flaps and slats, but “the gains from being carrier-capable seem small” Layton said. The technical preference would be “to focus on the J-35 and keep updating it”, he added.

Lu voiced the same thoughts, but said that between the two models, the one spotted in Shenyang appeared more likely to be designed for carrier operations, with a smaller, twin-engine configuration and foldable stabilisers.

Shenyang, the capital of northeastern Liaoning province, is home to Shenyang Aircraft Corporation, which has produced multiple carrier fighters including the J-15 and J-35 series.

Chengdu, capital of southwestern Sichuan, is the home base of Chengdu Aircraft Industry Group – which makes drones and fighters, including the J-20.

China-Pakistan ties will continue to hold fast against all weather

https://www.scmp.com/opinion/asia-opinion/article/3293072/china-pakistan-ties-will-continue-hold-fast-against-all-weather?utm_source=rss_feed

Since the launch of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a vital part of China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative, China and Pakistan have proudly declared themselves “all weather” friends. Over the years, however, both nations have faced internal, economic and geopolitical challenges that tested their relationship.

Despite seismic events like the Covid-19 pandemic and shifting regional dynamics, the partnership remains central for both countries’ strategic outlooks. How did this “friendship” play out in 2024?

To begin with, the year showed the endurance of Sino-Pakistan relations. Despite geopolitical chaos, security threats and economic uncertainties, the bilateral partnership displayed resilience. The fostering of economic collaboration and people-to-people ties stood out as defining achievements.

Key milestones in the year included an upgrade of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, the inauguration of the Beijing-funded Gwadar international airport, Islamabad’s hosting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit and the setting up of a “China Corner” at the library of the Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad, the first such section to be established at a think tank in Pakistan.

These initiatives underscore a shared commitment to long-term cooperation. Furthermore, the year marked two significant anniversaries: 73 years of diplomatic relations and 11 years of the comprehensive strategic partnership.

The first quarter of the year proved turbulent for bilateral ties. In March, Pakistan experienced three suicide bomb attacks that were widely seen as targeting Chinese interests and personnel in the country. Among the dead were five Chinese nationals working on a Chinese-funded hydropower project. Despite the shock and gravity of these events, both governments agreed to stay optimistic about their belt and road projects, which include the multibillion-dollar China-Pakistan Economic Corridor initiative.

Soon after, a Chinese foreign ministry spokesman said: “No attempt to sabotage China–Pakistan cooperation will ever succeed.” This determination was practically proven when months later, both countries decided to upgrade the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor.

The first phase of the initiative, launched in 2015, primarily focused on infrastructure development, addressing energy shortages and expanding road networks across Pakistan. This phase successfully delivered 38 completed projects worth US$25.2 billion, with 26 ongoing projects valued at US$26.8 billion. The second phase, dubbed CPEC 2.0, is expected to take a more holistic approach, emphasising five strategic corridors.

These are named the innovation corridor, green corridor, livelihood-enhancing corridor, growth corridor and opening-up/regional connectivity corridor. These projects, which broadly align with the UN sustainable development goals, have the potential to transform the traditional market into a digital market system while eradicating unemployment through enhanced job opportunities.

Last September, Pakistan concluded its 22nd agreement with the International Monetary Fund for multi-year economic assistance. The securing of a US$7 billion loan to avoid bankruptcy would not have been possible without the support of China, its biggest debtor. The IMF loan was conditional on the rolling over of the US$12 billion that Pakistan altogether owes China, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

China’s support highlights the strategic depth of the economic partnership during Pakistan’s period of significant financial vulnerability.

China is also helping Pakistan in its energy transition through nuclear power projects, including the addition of a fifth nuclear power plant at the Chasma facility in Punjab. The US$4.8 billion deal was signed in June 2023 and the power plant will be capable of producing 1,200MW of electricity a year. The project, which has begun construction, is expected to create up to 40,000 jobs.

Beyond economics, both countries also progressed in their academic and cultural collaboration. For a start, Pakistan supports China’s Global Civilisational Initiative and last August, the China-Pakistan Study Centre at the Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad organised a seminar on it.

One speaker, Xiang Yang, director of the China Study Centre at Pakistan’s National University of Science and Technology (NUST), highlighted the bilateral cultural exchanges, innovations and initiatives such as the establishment of Zhenghe College at NUST, which reflect the long history of exchanges between the two countries.

Political ties between Pakistan and China reached their zenith in October when Chinese Premier Li Qiang visited Pakistan at the invitation of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif. It was the highest-level official visit from China in nearly a decade. Both the premiers emphasised the maintenance of mutual trust, advancement of projects under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and security measures for Chinese personnel in Pakistan.

They agreed to foster industrial, defence and cultural exchanges. Additionally, they expressed their support for efforts to help stabilise Afghanistan and foster its integration into the international community. The meeting concluded with 13 agreements in areas from science and technology to trade.

Looking ahead, the special relationship between China and Pakistan will be further tested as China’s rivalry with the US intensifies under a second Trump presidency. With the evolution of America’s Indo-Pacific strategy, aimed at countering increased Chinese influence, Pakistan has come under criticism for its increased reliance on China.

India’s government has also consistently opposed the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor initiative.

Yet the trajectory of the past year shows that the governments of both China and Pakistan have the political will to remain committed to their special partnership, based on mutual interest and win-win collaboration.

In less than 2 years, 14 of China’s military lawmakers have been ousted

https://www.scmp.com/news/china/military/article/3293349/less-2-years-14-chinas-military-lawmakers-have-been-ousted?utm_source=rss_feed

PLA deputies have been dismissed from the current term of China’s top legislature at a rate not seen for at least four decades, according to public records going back to 1983, amid a campaign to root out corruption in the world’s largest standing military.

Some 14 military lawmakers have been removed from the National People’s Congress since the current term of the NPC began in March 2023, a tally by the South China Morning Post has found.

That is far more than the total for each of the previous two terms. Seven People’s Liberation Army deputies lost their seats as lawmakers in the last five-year term and eight military deputies were dismissed in the term before that, according to public records.

Now, the top legislature has 267 members from the PLA and the People’s Armed Police Force – down from the 281 deputies elected to the 14th NPC. The legislature has about 3,000 members.

These dismissals are widely believed to be linked to President Xi Jinping’s sweeping anti-corruption drive, which has been under way for over a decade. And they go some way to shedding light on the campaign within the military, whose graft-busters tend to release few if any details of their investigations.

In Xi’s first term, more top brass – including two former vice-chairmen of the Central Military Commission in charge of the armed forces – were caught in the anti-corruption net after they stepped down.

But in the recent purge of lawmakers, more were still holding key military positions when they came under investigation.

Analysts say the higher number of military lawmakers being ousted this term reflects intensified anti-corruption efforts against senior PLA officials, and a tougher approach.

The military is the largest delegation out of 35 in the national legislature. It is headed by General Zhang Youxia and General He Weidong, vice-chairmen of the powerful CMC. Most deputies are senior officials, including from military commissions and theatre commands, according to the defence ministry.

Xi, who is also chairman of the CMC, has attended meetings of the military delegation during the NPC’s annual gathering every year since he took office in 2013, according to state media reports.

The latest senior military official to be caught up in a graft probe is Admiral Miao Hua, a CMC member and director of its political work department, who was placed under investigation for corruption in November and could also lose his seat in the legislature.

Nine PLA officials – including senior members of the PLA Rocket Force – were dismissed from the top legislature in 2023, and last year five more were dismissed. Among them were four generals, eight lieutenant generals, and two major generals.

Former defence minister Li Shangfu was among the generals removed from the current NPC. Li was sacked as defence minister in October 2023 after just seven months in the job, and in June Beijing announced that both Li and his predecessor Wei Fenghe were being investigated for corruption. They have also been kicked out of the ruling Communist Party.

Beijing-based military law expert Xie Dan said the increased number of military lawmakers being dismissed reflected “steadily intensifying efforts to address corruption issues among senior military officials”.

He said lawmakers selected from the military could be “representatives of grass-roots soldiers [but] the majority are senior officials – some of them leaders who have stepped down from their positions”.

Xie noted that in the past, “the number of such individuals found guilty of illegal activities while serving as NPC representatives was relatively low”.

China’s anti-corruption legislation was amended last year to extend the period of disciplinary detention – known in Chinese as liuzhi – during which suspects are denied access to a lawyer. The military sets its own regulations accordingly.

That has resulted in further delays when it comes to making public information about corruption investigations.

Several military officials have also been removed from national political advisory roles in the past year amid the corruption crackdown.

In October, missile scientist Xiao Longxu was expelled from the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, the top advisory body. It followed the dismissal of another rocket scientist, Wang Xiaojun, from the CPPCC in January last year, and the ousting of three senior aerospace-defence executives from the CPPCC in December 2023.

Strengthening the military has been a focus for Xi since he took power, including through the corruption purge and by rolling out an ambitious modernisation programme. Former CMC vice-chairmen Guo Boxiong and Xu Caihou have been the biggest military scalps in the anti-corruption campaign so far, announced during Xi’s first term as president.

Xu faced prosecution for corruption after he was placed under investigation in 2014, a year after he retired. He died of cancer at 71 while in custody in 2015. Guo was jailed for life for corruption at the age of 74 in 2016.

Could China’s newest amphibious warship, the Type 076, be in service next year?

https://www.scmp.com/news/china/military/article/3293490/could-chinas-newest-amphibious-warship-type-076-be-service-next-year?utm_source=rss_feed

The first of a new series of Chinese amphibious attack ships could be in service by the end of 2026, a Chinese military expert told state media on the weekend, roughly a week after the launch of the warship.

Jets could also be doing test take-offs from the country’s latest aircraft carrier this year, Shao Yongling, a former professor of the People’s Liberation Army Rocket (PLA) Force Command College, said in a programme aired by state broadcaster CCTV on Saturday.

Shao’s forecasts follow the launch late last month of the first Type 076 warship, a vessel bearing the hull number 51 and named after the southwestern province of Sichuan.

With the completion of the overall hull and the power system, the ship will now undergo equipment commissioning, mooring trials and sea trials.

“It may take over one year for the outfitting and tests, before it goes for sea trials,” Shao said.

“If all goes well and fast, the Sichuan may be ready to enter service by the end of 2026. If it is a little slower, I think it will be no problem by the middle of 2027.”

She said it would take further time for the warship to reach combat readiness.

The Type 076 is China’s most advanced amphibious assault ship and is equipped with advanced electromagnetic catapult and arresting technologies, allowing it to carry fixed-wing aircraft, helicopters, and amphibious equipment.

Some observers have speculated that it could become the world’s first “drone carrier”.

The series is part of China’s military build-up amid heightened geopolitical tensions, particularly in its rivalry with the United States.

One of the biggest potential flashpoints is Taiwan.

Beijing sees Taiwan as part of China to be reunited by force if necessary. Most countries, including the US, do not recognise Taiwan as an independent state, but Washington is opposed to any attempt to take the self-governed island by force and is committed to arm Taiwan.

Amphibious assault ships are likely to have a big role in any attack in such a conflict, with Type 076s having the potential to expand the operations of PLA strike groups.

The number of those strike groups is set to rise with the Fujian, the PLA’s most advanced aircraft carrier yet, undergoing sea trials.

Shao said the Fujian had completed five sea trials since May and the priority this year was expected to be take-off and landing tests.

“The major task for the Fujian this year will be integration of the carrier and airplanes,” she said, adding the carrier would be equipped with the country’s latest fifth-generation fighter, the J-35.

“A good horse deserves a good saddle. The J-35 stealth fighter has very strong combat capabilities,” she told CCTV.

“I think the most ideal way [for it to perform] is to be carried on our newest aircraft carrier, the Fujian, because the Fujian also uses electromagnetic catapults, which can maximise the combat strengths of the [jet].”

Sun Cong, a senior aviation engineer with state-run aerospace giant Aviation Industry Corporation of China, told state media in November that the J-35 would be deployed on aircraft carriers, teaming up with another shipborne jet, the J-15, to promote joint operations.

Hong Kong military expert Liang Guoliang said the Fujian’s large deck, electromagnetic catapult, and arresting system would give it the flexibility to operate various aircraft with complimentary functions.

“The improved J-15T, the latest J-35, the electronic warfare specialist J-15D, along with early warning and control KJ-600, will form a good mix of warplanes on board the Fujian, while Gongji-11 drones will be a very dynamic addition soon,” Liang said.

He said that some photos circulating online since the start of this month suggested that the Fujian might have tested the launch and landing of a KJ-600, a plane that would improve the carrier’s situational awareness and operational reach.

---

China and Trump factor will heat up Asia-Pacific arms race, observers warn

https://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy/article/3293412/china-and-trump-factor-will-heat-asia-pacific-arms-race-observers-warn?utm_source=rss_feed

The arms race in the Asia-Pacific will intensify this year, observers believe, with several governments in the region – including US treaty allies Japan and the Philippines – planning big boosts to their defence budgets.

The aim is to both counter China and to hedge against uncertainties over incoming US president Donald Trump, they added.

The Japanese government’s 2025 budget approved last Friday included record defence spending of 8.7 trillion yen (US$55 billion), despite recent signs of a thaw in ties with China under Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba.

It is the 13th straight annual increase in the defence budget as Japan seeks to address concerns over China’s rise and North Korea’s military alignment with Russia, according to analysts.

On Monday, Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jnr signed the country’s 2025 budget into law, with defence spending expected to reach a record 315.1 billion pesos (US$5.4 billion). This is more than 30 per cent higher than the 2024 military budget, official Chinese news agency Xinhua reported.

It is also much higher than the original total of 256.1 billion pesos amid heightened tensions with Beijing in the South China Sea.

Philippine budget secretary Amenah Pangandaman said the increase was to help “uphold our sovereignty and territorial integrity”.

Ni Lexiong, a Shanghai-based military analyst, said Trump had repeatedly demanded that US allies and partners boost military spending to counter Russia and China.

“The influence of the Trump factor can be felt everywhere around the world,” Ni said, “In a way, such a seemingly extreme strategy that drew widespread criticism has proven effective so far, as many US allies in Europe and Asia, dependent on the US for security, have no choice but to comply with his demands.”

But for Benoit Hardy-Chartrand, an international affairs specialist at Tokyo’s Temple University Japan, China remains the primary driver for the budget hikes in Japan and the Philippines.

“Japan has for many years considered China its foremost security challenge, despite its desire to maintain stable and productive relations with its neighbour,” he said.

Tokyo’s concerns regarding Beijing are “manifold”, according to Hardy-Chartrand, ranging from their territorial dispute in the East China Sea and Beijing’s growing strategic partnership with Moscow, to concerns over a potential conflict over Taiwan.

Beijing regards Taiwan as part of its territory and has never renounced the use of force to bring it under its control. Japan and the US, in common with most countries, do not recognise the island as an independent state, but oppose any attemtp to seize it by force.

For the Philippines, the stakes are even higher, with its long-simmering maritime dispute with China becoming increasingly tense and violent.

Both sides have also exchanged barbs in recent weeks over Manila’s plans to buy the US-made Typhon missile system.

Philippine military chief Lieutenant-General Roy Galido said it is necessary for “protecting our sovereignty”, but the Chinese foreign ministry condemned it as “provocative and dangerous … and extremely irresponsible” as well as warning of the risk of “geopolitical confrontation and an arms race”.

“Our message to the Philippines: China will not sit on its hands when its security interests are in danger or under threat. The Philippines will be hurting its own interests if it keeps refusing to change course,” ministry spokeswoman Mao Ning said on December 26.

Yun Sun, director of the China programme and co-director of the East Asia programme at the Stimson Centre in Washington, said given the recent trajectory of Beijing’s ties with the two neighbouring countries and Taiwan, it should come as no surprise that they were increasing their defence budgets.

But she said Trump was not the key factor, noting Japan increased its defence budget by 7.5 per cent last year as well.

“China might see Japan and the Philippines as irrationally responding to China’s peaceful rise. But the lack of understanding of other countries’ security anxieties due to China’s growing military power, presence and activities in their periphery is a fundamental contributing factor to regional arms race,” Sun said.

Ni said missile programmes by the Philippines and Japan, which is preparing to deploy long-range Tomahawk cruise missiles, were clearly aimed at China and offensive in nature.

“From China’s perspective, the external pressure is mounting, as the country is facing economic, technological, diplomatic, and military suppression and containment [from the West],” he said.

In a speech on New Year’s Eve, Chinese President Xi Jinping again warned of “high winds, choppy waters, and even dangerous storms,” as the country tackles growing domestic and external challenges.

According to Ni, this indicates China is poised to raise its own defence spending, speed up military reforms, and upgrade weapons and military equipment.

The Pentagon issued its latest report on China’s military power last month. It said despite anti-corruption probes into many top commanders, China had continued to build a global military and a world-class defence industrial base with robust nuclear forces.

“The arms race will undoubtedly intensify,” Ni said. “All parties are readying their forces and bolstering deterrence, no one wants to go into a costly war but there is still the risk of accidental conflicts,” he said.

The situation in the South China Sea and the broader Asia-Pacific region will largely hinge on Beijing’s attitude, Trump’s Asia policy and the future of China-US ties, he added.

Hardy-Chartrand said the Japanese and Philippine defence budget increases do not constitute a major departure from their long-standing defence stances.

“Japan, more specifically, has endeavoured to become a much more consequential and proactive regional and global security actor since the early 2010s, as demonstrated by 13 consecutive years of defence budget increases,” he said.

Japan adopted a new defence strategy in 2022, aiming to eventually double the annual military budget to become the world’s third biggest military spender after the US and China.

But Hardy-Chartrand argued Trump is the biggest wild card in the region this year.

“[Trump] has yet to define what his China policy will look like beyond tariffs... On the one hand, Trump has signalled potentially less support for Taiwan, while on the other hand nominating China hawks at key posts in his incoming administration, including [China sanctioned Florida senator] Marco Rubio as secretary of state,” he said.

“Furthermore, if US relations with other allies like Japan and South Korea show signs of friction, as they did during his first stint in the White House, this will be beneficial to Beijing.”

Mainland Chinese will remain bulk of tourists to Hong Kong in next 5 years: minister

https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/hong-kong-economy/article/3293485/mainland-chinese-will-remain-bulk-tourists-hong-kong-next-5-years-minister?utm_source=rss_feed

Hong Kong’s tourism chief has said mainland Chinese travellers will remain the major source of tourists to the city in the next five years despite the newly released blueprint to update strategies for the sector’s development.

But Secretary for Culture, Sports and Tourism Rosanna Law Shuk-pui expressed confidence that the number of foreign travellers would continue to rise, citing an over 30 per cent year-on-year increase during the Christmas holiday.

“The fact that mainlanders constitute the largest number of tourists to Hong Kong will not change in five years because of the proximity between Hong Kong and other mainland cities,” Law told a TV programme on Sunday.

“As for whether international tourists will increase, that is my goal. And I am very confident that the city can achieve that.”

Authorities earlier this week unveiled a highly-anticipated tourism industry development blueprint, which aimed to boost the economy by HK$120 billion (US$15.5 billion) and employ 210,000 people over the next five years.

Highlighting pandas, horse racing, mega events and smart initiatives among updated strategies, the document emphasised Hong Kong’s role as a hub for international and multi-destination tourism and as a city where East meets West.

Law called the blueprint “a feasible plan with vision”, saying the city would achieve its goals given the beneficial policies and support from Beijing and Hongkongers’ agility and abilities.

She cited the expanded solo traveller scheme, which included more mainland cities such as Xian and Qingdao last year, contributing to the rise in mainland tourist numbers.

The scheme allows residents of certain mainland cities to visit Hong Kong individually rather than by joining tour groups.

Government data showed that the total number of visitor arrivals in Hong Kong for 2024 reached nearly 45 million, an increase of 31 per cent compared to 2023.

Among them, mainland Chinese visitor arrivals rose by around 27 per cent year on year. International visitor arrivals saw an even higher year-on-year increase of around 44 per cent.

“Another encouraging thing is that the city saw a decent increase in foreign visitors, especially from the Middle East,” Law said.

She cited the nearly 40,000 international tourists who visited Hong Kong daily during the recent Christmas holiday season, which represented a 30 per cent increase compared to the same period the previous year.

Among them, tourists from the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia saw the greatest increase, according to Law.

“So we could draw the conclusion that Hong Kong still has many opportunities to explore in foreign markets and the government will intensify promotion to bring international tourists in,” Law said.

Meanwhile, the tourism chief also touched on the long-awaited “technical guidance note for stage engineering”, which the government had proposed after a giant LED screen fell and hit two dancers, injuring one critically, during a concert by boy band Mirror in July 2022.

She said a draft guidance note had been used in trial runs at both the Hong Kong Coliseum and Queen Elizabeth Stadium since last October.

“We hope to get some hands-on experience and finalise the guidance in the first quarter of this year,” Law said, but stopped short of giving detailed measures.

She revealed that parts of the guidance might apply to the indoor area of Kai Tak Sports Park, which is set to open in March 2025.

The Hong Kong Arts Administrators Association earlier revealed that authorities had proposed that performances with a simple stage design were required to submit details of measurements, weight and construction materials to be used, while those with complex stage designs would have to engage structural engineers to carry out checks.

Organisers of shows which had suspended devices would be asked to submit details of their stage design, mechanical installation and hydraulic and electrical systems to authorities.

Industry players have expressed concerns that the government’s proposed requirements would create additional financial burdens while curbing creative freedom in set design.

Why export controls are the weapon of choice in US-China tech war

https://www.scmp.com/opinion/china-opinion/article/3293226/why-export-controls-are-weapon-choice-us-china-tech-war?utm_source=rss_feed

On December 3, 2024, China imposed its most stringent set of critical mineral restrictions after the United States not only slapped export controls on 24 types of chipmaking equipment and three categories of software essential for semiconductor development, but also added 140 Chinese companies to the export control list.

While these measures and countermeasures have been going on for a while, this is arguably the first time Beijing has reacted so strongly, targeting the US specifically and signalling to the incoming Donald Trump administration that it has a major source of leverage – critical minerals. Compared to restrictions in 2023 on critical minerals like gallium and germanium, last month’s controls are more targeted. The objective is to stop the export of dual-use materials critical for defence and technological development.

Both countries are levelling up the game. Since 2022, the US has ramped up restrictions on China’s access to critical and emerging technologies, such as advanced chips. In retaliation, China has banned chips from US companies like Micron in its sensitive sectors.

On November 15, China released an export control list of dual-use items aimed at creating a consolidated list. This was followed by an announcement last week on a ban on such products to 28 US defence contractors, with 10 of them placed on an unreliable entities list over Washington’s arms sales to Taiwan. These events must be placed in the context of intensifying trade restrictions between the US and China.

China could arguably strike a serious blow with the use of export controls. For instance, consumer goods giant Henkel has been affected by delayed deliveries of critical minerals, prompting the German firm to declare a force majeure.

A dispassionate study of escalating tit-for-tat trade restrictions clearly shows a widespread misuse of national security as a tool of economic statecraft. While China has called out the US for “overstretching the concept of national security, abusing export controls, and wantonly imposing illegal unilateral sanctions”, it has also done the same in retaliation. When justifying its latest move, a Chinese commerce ministry spokesperson said the export bans are aimed at protecting national security and fulfil non-proliferation and other international obligations.

China and the US have both invoked national security to justify enforcing export controls and other trade restrictions. For both sides, the strategic goal is to prevent the other from developing superior capabilities.

Export controls have become a method of foreign policy messaging. For the US, it is critical to hamper China’s capability in domains such as artificial intelligence and advanced chips. China has also targeted critical minerals which are essential ingredients for making advanced technological tools.

As Trump returns to the White House, trade restrictions and export controls are likely to be used more frequently. However, unlike the last time Trump was in office, the game will be played quite differently. By specifically targeting the US, China has made it clear the next phase of the tech war will be played from both ends.

China already dominates the critical mineral supply chain with almost 60 per cent of the production and around 85 per cent of the refining. Ignoring this may prove to be detrimental to US interests.

Linking critical minerals to national security has made exporting such resources very difficult. Many exporters, particularly those based out of the US, may find it hard to secure licences if they can’t provide specific end-use cases.

Once Trump takes office, we are likely to see a critical mineral strategy focusing on three areas: increasing tariffs on mineral imports, making sustainable investments in domestic mining projects and streamlining regulations. The fate of US President Joe Biden’s critical mineral initiatives under the Inflation Reduction Act remains uncertain. Some of them might remain in place alongside new policies.

Under his first administration, Trump signed an executive order focused on curbing dependence on imports “from foreign adversaries for the critical minerals that are increasingly necessary to maintain [the US’] economic and military strength in the 21st century”. Hence, we are likely to see Trump pushing towards sourcing more minerals domestically and increasing investment in the mining sector. His administration is likely to continue the Biden’s focus on de-risking the critical mineral supply chain from China.

While he was still on the 2024 campaign trail, Trump said, “We are going to be a major producer of rare earth minerals. We’re going to create jobs making … us truly self-reliant”. The next Trump administration is likely to further securitise the critical mineral supply chain by expanding the definition of foreign entities of concern, negatively impacting the US-China relationship.

China’s response to the outgoing Biden administration’s measures suggests Beijing is ready for tit-for-tat trade restrictions and will not shy from targeting US companies, as in the case of Nvidia. As China hardens its position, it will become difficult for the US to source critical minerals.

Besides, Trump’s tariff rhetoric is also expected to affect ties with friendly countries like Canada, a key exporter of critical minerals to the US. Canada has already explored retaliatory measures in the face of potential US tariffs.

Additionally, Trump’s proposed tariff and attempts to restrict China’s access to critical minerals will pose a greater economic risk to close partners such as South Korea and Japan. Hence, we are likely to see expanded definitions of national security and increased securitisation of the critical mineral sector under Trump.

However, this approach is unlikely to work, considering the realities of the critical mineral supply chain.

Apple, smartphone peers lose ground in China market amid Huawei comeback

https://www.scmp.com/tech/tech-trends/article/3293480/apple-smartphone-peers-lose-ground-china-market-amid-huawei-comeback?utm_source=rss_feed

The market share of foreign smartphone brands in China, mainly Apple, has plunged by nearly half from a year ago, according to government data, as the iPhone maker navigates increased competition from domestic vendors including Huawei Technologies.

Overseas handset makers shipped 3.04 million units in China in November, a 47.3 per cent decrease from 5.77 million in November 2023, according to a report published on Friday by the state-run China Academy of Information and Communications Technology (CAICT).

Total smartphone shipments from overseas vendors from January to November last year were 42 million, a 22 per cent year-on-year drop, CAICT data showed.

CAICT did not name any specific brands. iPhones make up the bulk of foreign smartphones sold in China.

The report highlights the growing challenges Apple faces in China’s smartphone market, where competition has intensified following Huawei’s comeback in the premium segment.

Shenzhen-based Huawei’s domestic shipments of premium smartphones, or those priced above US$600, surged 34 per cent in the third quarter last year from a year earlier, according to a report by Canalys last month.

At the same time, Apple saw iPhone shipments in China decline 5 per cent year on year in the same period. But the US tech giant remained the leader of China’s premium handset market with a 52 per cent share, while Huawei took 33 per cent, Canalys said.

Huawei’s resurgence has prompted multiple rounds of price cuts from Apple this year. Most recently, the California-based company earlier this week offered a 500-yuan (US$68) discount on its latest premium models, the iPhone 16 Pro and iPhone 16 Pro Max.

Apple also faces uncertainties rolling out artificial intelligence (AI) features in its handsets, while local rivals have charged ahead.

The company was reportedly in early-stage talks with Chinese Big Tech firms to introduce its Apple Intelligence system in China, where it is required to partner with a domestic AI model provider. But progress is said to be slow.

Apple CEO Tim Cook last year made three visits to China amid the growing challenges. The executive appeared in November at the China International Supply Chain Expo in Beijing, where he spoke about valuing Apple’s Chinese partners “very highly”. In October, Cook also met top Chinese officials, reportedly discussing topics including the company’s presence in China, data security and cloud services.

A bleak 2025 awaits China’s 30,000 car dealers as price war piles on US$24 billion losses

https://www.scmp.com/business/china-business/article/3293353/chinas-30000-car-dealers-face-bleak-2025-price-war-piles-us24-billion-losses?utm_source=rss_feed

More than 30,000 car dealers in mainland China are facing another bleak year in 2025, with many turning from profit-generators into corporate failures in two years under a debilitating price war and an e-commerce onslaught.

More than half of the industry’s participants failed to achieve their sales targets for 2024, the China Automobile Dealers Association (CADA) said in an end-December report. Most of them are either suffering huge losses or struggling with a capital crunch, it added.

The discount war among Chinese manufacturers involving petrol-powered and electric cars resulted in 177.6 billion yuan (US$24.3 billion) of losses between January and November, CADA said, worsening from 84.5 billion yuan in the year-earlier period.

About 27 per cent of the dealers nationwide attained to less than 70 per cent of their projected sales last year, according to CADA, while some 4,000 dealers, or 10 per cent, have shut down due to a financial squeeze, it added.

“The association expects the auto market outlook to be uncertain in the future,” it said in the report, adding that weak January deliveries are likely given the approaching eight-day Lunar New Year holiday from January 28. “All dealers should rationally assess market demand in their business operations.”

Steep discounts by car manufacturers have persisted over the past two years, despite calls by industry leaders to halt price competition. Producers cut prices on 195 models – including petrol-powered, pure electric and hybrids from January to November last year, up from 150 models in 2023, the China Passenger Car Association said.

The average price of a pure electric car was reduced by 10 per cent, or 20,000 yuan, while hybrids were discounted by 4.3 per cent, it added. Consumers were able to save 10,500 yuan per unit on average. Nationwide sales rose 4.7 per cent to 20.3 million cars in the first 11 months last year, according to industry data.

China’s electric-vehicle (EV) industry would slip into losses if market leader BYD were to cut 10,300 yuan from each of its vehicles, Goldman Sachs said in a report in April.

“The real situation is even worse,” said Cao Hui, a manager with Wantu Auto Service in Shanghai. “Few dealers can survive the price war without incurring big losses.”

In mainland China, car dealers or distributors typically need to build their inventories by paying catalogue prices to car manufacturers or assemblers. A discount war would force them to sell the cars to consumers at below costs.

CADA warned in August that price cuts would deepen the losses among car dealerships to 22.8 cents per dollar in 2024 from 12.1 cents in the same period a year earlier.

The crisis has claimed a few casualties. China Grand Automotive Service, the nation’s second-largest dealer with more than 730 outlets, was delisted from the Shanghai Stock Exchange in August after its shares slipped below par value for 20 consecutive days. Pang Da Automobile Trade became the first in the industry to collapse in June 2023.

The number of car dealers grew amid surging demand for EVs after China surpassed the US as the world’s largest automotive market in 2009. Their fortunes began to sour in 2018 as more EV makers turned to e-commerce platforms to sell their cars, bypassing dealerships.

The EV adoption rate in China has exceeded 50 per cent since July, while sales of pure electric and hybrid cars account for about 60 per cent of the global total, according to industry data.

“No immediate turnaround for the car dealers is in sight,” said Ding Haifeng, a consultant at financial advisory firm Integrity. “Thousands of car dealers are likely to exit from the market as more EV assemblers sell cars to consumers directly.”

CES 2025: Chinese companies return to Las Vegas amid US tech tensions but big names absent

https://www.scmp.com/tech/big-tech/article/3293437/ces-2025-chinese-companies-return-las-vegas-amid-us-tech-tensions-big-names-absent?utm_source=rss_feed

CES, the annual consumer electronics trade show in Las Vegas that officially kicks off on Tuesday, is seeing a rebound in Chinese exhibitors despite an escalating tech war between Beijing and Washington.

More than 1,300 Chinese companies – including 1,212 from the mainland and 98 from Hong Kong – are set to showcase their latest offerings in the major expo organised by the Consumer Technology Association (CTA), according to a list on the event website. Together, they comprise more than a quarter of the 4,500 registered exhibitors, making China the largest foreign participant this year.

While this represents an increase from the 1,115 Chinese companies registered at CES in 2024 and the 493 listed in 2023 when Covid restrictions hampered international travel, this year’s number still falls short of the record 1,551 Chinese exhibitors in 2018, when they made up over a third of all participants.

Notably absent this year is ByteDance, which registered last year under its US office, although its subsidiary TikTok still has a presence. Also missing are big names that showed up in previous years, including Baidu, US-sanctioned Huawei Technologies, and drone maker DJI, which has been on a Pentagon blacklist since 2021.

Alibaba Group Holding, owner of the South China Morning Post, maintains a presence with its cloud computing and artificial intelligence (AI) unit Alibaba Cloud.

Chinese participation at CES is overshadowed by growing tensions between the world’s two largest economies. The US Department of Commerce’s Bureau of Industry and Security said on Thursday it was considering proposing a rule to cut China out of the drone supply chain.

The US also plans to unveil new restrictions targeting China’s sourcing of advanced AI chips from third-party countries before President Joe Biden leaves the White House, sources have told the Post.

Meanwhile, TikTok is fighting a US law requiring the short-video app to be banned in the country by January 19 unless it is sold to a non-Chinese buyer. The legal battle is complicated by president-elect Donald Trump’s unusual request urging the Supreme Court to halt the ban until he takes office on January 20. The US Department of Justice on Friday asked the Supreme Court to reject Trump’s request.

Amid strained US-China relations, employees from some mainland companies were reportedly denied visas despite submitting their applications along with invitation letters from CES.

AI, which has emerged as a key battlefront between the US and China, is expected to dominate the show. Jensen Huang, CEO of the world’s most valuable AI chip supplier Nvidia, is scheduled to deliver an opening keynote on Monday. The company is set to unveil new graphics processors at the event.

Robotics, quantum computing, autonomous driving, and augmented and virtual reality are also hot topics.

The Hong Kong Science and Technology Parks Corporation (HKSTP), together with the Hong Kong Trade Development Council and the Hong Kong Electronics Industries Association, is leading its largest-ever delegation of tech companies to CES.

The Hong Kong Tech Pavilion will feature 51 entities, including six non-HKSTP firms and institutes, as the city seeks to bolster its tech sector. Exhibitors span five industry fields, including AI and data, advanced electronics and robotics, advanced materials and sustainable technology, digital transformation, and life and health, according to HKSTP.

CTA expects the number of visitors at CES 2025 to exceed last year’s 138,000, with over 40 per cent coming from outside the US.

‘Degree worship’: China middle school sparks debate with elitist hiring policy

https://www.scmp.com/economy/china-economy/article/3293323/degree-worship-china-middle-school-sparks-debate-elitist-hiring-policy?utm_source=rss_feed

A middle school in eastern China has been thrust into the centre of a national debate about Chinese society’s “worship” of elite universities, after revealing that nearly all its newly hired teachers had graduated from the same two institutions.

Suzhou Middle School, a well-known institution in Jiangsu province, recently announced that it had hired 13 teachers, 10 of whom had attended China’s two most prestigious universities: Tsinghua University and Peking University, according to domestic media reports.

All of the candidates had completed postgraduate degrees and eight of them had received doctorates, according to the notice.

But the school’s decision to hire from a narrow pool of elite colleges has proved controversial, with critics arguing that it reflected Chinese employers’ growing tendency to focus more on the name of the school a candidate attended than their actual skills and abilities.

“The whole of society now worships Tsinghua and Peking universities, with schools trying to create a high-level teaching team by offering jobs to graduates from these institutions,” said Xiong Bingqi, director of the Beijing-based 21st Century Education Research Institute think tank.

“But, in reality, academic qualifications and teaching ability are different things. Graduates from Peking or Tsinghua are not necessarily going to become excellent teachers. That is basic common sense.”

Xiong added that schools should also consider candidates’ teaching experience and skills when hiring, and that those failing to do so would “definitely encounter issues in the long run”.

Suzhou Middle School’s hiring policy also reflects a growing willingness among China’s elite graduates to take jobs in the school system.

The trend has existed for some time. In 2021, state newswire Xinhua noted that more PhD holders were taking jobs at elementary and middle schools in some parts of the country.

According to Xiong, the phenomenon is most common in prosperous parts of China, as schools in these areas are able to provide better pay packages.

But Suzhou Middle School has gone a step further by making clear that – in most cases – it considers a doctorate to be a minimum requirement for teaching candidates.

In its hiring note, the school stated it would only consider master’s degree holders if they met certain criteria, such as having received national-level scholarships and teaching awards.

---

Chinese citizens in South Korea warned to avoid political activity amid latest protests

https://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy/article/3293473/chinese-citizens-south-korea-warned-avoid-political-activity-amid-latest-protests?utm_source=rss_feed

The Chinese embassy in Seoul has reminded Chinese citizens in South Korea to stay away from political activities there after thousands of protesters rallied in the capital a day after a failed attempt to arrest the country’s impeached president Yoon Suk-yeol.

The embassy said South Korea’s immigration law bans foreigners from taking part in political activities in the country, regardless of their visa status, with certain legally defined exemptions. It added they can be deported if they breach these conditions.

In a warning posted on its social media accounts it said there have been regular marches and demonstrations across the country and warned Chinese citizens living or visiting there to make sure they are aware of local laws to better protect themselves.

“[You should] keep your distance from local political rallies and crowded places. Do not make public political speeches, pay attention to traffic control caused by rallies, and ensure personal and travel safety,” the notice said.

South Korea is one of the most popular travel destinations for Chinese tourists, given its physical closeness to China and strong cultural ties.

According to the Korea Tourism Organisation, more 2.2 million Chinese tourists visited the country in the first six months of last year, surpassing the whole of 2023 which saw just over 2 million Chinese visitors.

The country has been in political turmoil since Yoon’s brief attempt to declare martial law last month led to his impeachment. Saturday saw a further wave of protests after a failed attempt to arrest him the previous day led to a lengthy stand-off with his security team at his residence.

The Corruption Investigation Office for High-Ranking Officials, which is investigating the martial law decree, said on Saturday it had again asked acting president Choi Sang-mok, the nation’s finance minister, to order the presidential security service to comply with the arrest warrant.

Thousands of rival demonstrators – some calling for his arrest while others protested against his impeachment, describing it as invalid – gathered in front of the presidential palace on Saturday.

Members of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, South Korea’s largest umbrella group, attempted to march to Yoon’s residence but were blocked by police, Agence France-Presse reported.

The United States, South Korea’s key security ally, has urged the South Korean political elite to work to find a “stable path” forward.

Outgoing Secretary of State Antony Blinken is scheduled to hold talks in Seoul on Monday, with issues such as the relationship between the two countries and North Korea likely to be high on the agenda.

US approves Idaho antimony mine a month after China blocked exports of vital mineral

https://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy/article/3293475/us-approves-idaho-antimony-mine-month-after-china-blocked-exports-vital-mineral?utm_source=rss_feed

The White House on Friday issued the final mining permit for Perpetua Resources’s Idaho antimony and gold project, a move aimed at spurring US production of a critical mineral at the centre of a widening trade war between Washington and Beijing.

Permission for the mine, backed by billionaire investor John Paulson, comes after Beijing last month blocked exports to the United States of antimony – a metal used to make weapons, solar panels, flame retardants and other goods – for which there are no current American sources.

The US Forest Service released the final record of decision for Perpetua’s Stibnite project – essentially the mine’s permit – after an eight-year review process, according to documents published on the agency’s website.

Perpetua’s mine will supply more than 35 per cent of America’s annual antimony needs once it opens by 2028 and produce 12,800kg (450,000 ounces) of gold each year, a dual revenue stream expected to keep the project financially afloat regardless of any steps Beijing may take to sway markets.

For example, Jervois Global, the owner of an Idaho mine that produces only cobalt, declared bankruptcy on Thursday after Chinese miners aggressively boosted production of that metal in a bid for market share.

Shares in Idaho-based Perpetua gained 9.1 per cent in after-hours trading after Reuters reported the permit decision earlier on Friday.

In its 154-page report, the Forest Service said its Perpetua decision was based on a detailed review of environmental data, discussions with Indigenous groups and consultation with other federal agencies.

“I have taken into consideration the degree to which the [mine’s] environmental design features, monitoring, and mitigation measures will, where feasible, minimise adverse environmental impacts on [federal lands],” the Forest Service’s Matthew Davis said in the report.

Perpetua, which changed its mine design three times in response to critics, said it believes it can make the mine – roughly 222km (138 miles) north of Boise – “the best it can be”.

“Every detail of this project was examined with a fine-tooth comb,” said Jon Cherry, Perpetua’s chief executive.

Perpetua will need to obtain a wetlands permit from the US Army Corps of Engineers, although the Forest Service said its own decision was made in consultation with that agency, implying a smooth review process.

The Stibnite project was forecast in 2020 to cost US$1.3 billion, a number expected to rise due to post-pandemic inflation. The site has estimated reserves of 67,100 tonnes (148 million pounds) of antimony.

The Pentagon committed nearly US$60 million to fund permits for the project, which would entail cleaning and expanding a site that was polluted by mining during the Second World War.

Perpetua last April received a letter of interest from the US Export-Import Bank, the government’s export credit agency, for a loan worth up to US$1.8 billion to fund the Stibnite project.

The project has not won the support of Idaho’s Nez Percé tribe, which is concerned it could affect the state’s salmon population.

The tribe said it was still reviewing the final decision, though “not with optimism,” adding it believes the Forest Service “has been rushing to approve Perpetua Resource’s mine proposal without undertaking its required due diligence”.

US military’s Pacific strategy shifts to survival mode as China gains strength

https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/3293320/us-militarys-pacific-strategy-shifts-survival-mode-china-gains-strength?utm_source=rss_feed

For almost half a century, the Philippines served as the linchpin of American military power in Asia. During the height of the Vietnam war, the sprawling Clark Air Base and Subic Bay Naval Base on the island of Luzon hosted tens of thousands of US personnel, playing a central role in Washington’s Cold War-era force projection.

But today, the military landscape in the Pacific looks starkly different. While the US has renewed its focus on the Philippines and the broader Indo-Pacific, Clark and Subic are unlikely to regain their former prominence. The US military, stretched thin by global commitments in a troubled world, now finds itself playing catch-up in the Western Pacific, where the combined forces of China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) have emerged as a formidable rival.

The Pentagon’s strategy for the region reflects this new reality. Variously described as “agile combat employment”, “expanded manoeuvre” and – perhaps most tellingly – “scatter and survive”, the goal is to spread out US forces across a wide geographic area to withstand a potential first strike.

“What the Americans are doing is distributing their forces widely because big bases are vulnerable to missile attack,” said Sam Roggeveen, director of the international security programme at Australia’s Lowy Institute. “The emphasis on survival is correct because America is not building a presence in Asia that is designed to win a war against China. Its strategy is designed merely to survive one.”

The Pentagon itself acknowledges that the PLA is now a worthy adversary. In its latest report to Congress, it described China’s military as “an increasingly capable instrument of national power” that’s well-trained in combined operations and equipped with advanced command and control, intelligence, surveillance, and area denial capabilities.

China’s integrated air defence systems and rapidly expanding air power – encompassing both the naval air wing and the air force – were both highlighted in the Pentagon report, as was the PLA Rocket Force, which is equipped with precision-guided missiles that have the range to strike targets across the Pacific, including Australia and even the continental United States.

Perhaps most striking is the scale of China’s naval expansion, however. The PLA Navy can now deploy more than 370 multi-mission ships and submarines, outnumbering the US Navy. While Washington relies heavily on allied resources to balance the equation, experts have warned that without significant upgrades to its anti-ship and surface-to-air missile capabilities, the US Navy risks a defeat on a scale unseen since World War II.

“The PLA’s evolving capabilities and concepts continue to strengthen the PRC’s ability to fight and win wars against a ‘strong enemy’,” the Pentagon report noted, referring to China by the abbreviated form of its official name. The report went on to highlight Beijing’s ability to counter third-party intervention in regional conflicts – an implicit reference to US involvement in a potential Taiwan conflict – and to project power far beyond its borders.

In late 2022, the Washington-based Centre for Strategic and International Studies simulated an invasion of Taiwan by the Chinese military and found it would be narrowly repelled by the US and its allies – at the cost of hundreds of aircraft, warships, amphibious landing craft and soldiers’ lives.

More recent simulations have painted an even grimmer picture for the US military, suggesting that the PLA’s growing capabilities could overwhelm American forces in the early stages of a conflict, while noting that the US could regain the upper hand by leveraging technologies such as drones and unmanned weapons, and employing its “expanded manoeuvre” strategies.

“The US strategy is to deploy force with sufficient deterrent capacity to check the use of force,” said Michael Allen, a professor of political science at Boise State University in the US. “Its goal is to reassure its allies and partners, and create robust partnerships that will dissuade Chinese expansionism in the region.”

As part of this approach, the US has revived the “island chain” strategy first developed during the Korean war. This approach involves placing military assets along three north-south island chains in the Pacific. The first stretches from Japan through Taiwan to the Philippines. The second extends from Iwo Jima through Guam and Palau to New Guinea. The third runs from the Aleutian Islands to Hawaii, Oceania and New Zealand.

Australia plays a key role in this strategy, anchoring the southern end of these island chains. Plans are also afoot to establish more bases west of Darwin, reaching as far as the Cocos Islands and the US-UK military facility on Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean.

At the heart of Washington’s strategy is the Pacific Deterrence Initiative, which aims to strengthen US military infrastructure west of the International Date Line with a budget of US$9.9 billion for 2025. This includes building an integrated missile defence system for Guam, a key hub for US operations in the Pacific.

Across the region, the US is investing heavily in new and upgraded facilities, funding the expansion of port facilities in Subic Bay and upgrading Basa Air Base and other sites under its Enhanced Defence Cooperation Agreement with Manila.

Further east, the US Air Force is rebuilding historic North Field on Tinian in the Northern Mariana Islands – where the atomic bomb missions of World War II were launched – and expanding the island’s international airport to accommodate mid-air refuelling tankers. On Guam, already home to the massive Andersen Air Force Base, engineers are restoring the WWII-era Northwest Field and constructing a new base for 5,000 Marines being relocated from Okinawa.

Similar upgrades are under way in Australia. Tindal Air Base is being expanded to host B-52 bombers, while a base in Darwin – already home to a task force of US Marines – is being prepared to handle larger US aircraft.

This comes as the US Marines Corps is being restructured into a more mobile, island-hopping force, equipped with land-based missile launchers designed to target enemy ships and aircraft.

The US Air Force also plans to extend a runway on Yap, in the Federated States of Micronesia, and improve airfields in Palau and on Saipan in the Northern Mariana Islands.

Despite these efforts, the Lowy Institute’s Roggeveen cautioned that the US strategy remains constrained by tight budgets, personnel shortages and an overstretched defence-industrial base.

“With regard to the PLA, what we are witnessing is the dramatic modernisation of any military force since WWII. And in response to that, the Americans have essentially stood pat,” he said.

“There hasn’t been a substantial upgrade of American military power in Asia since the end of the Cold War. For now, it’s really just a matter of moving the chess pieces around the board.”

---

China mum criticised for applying make-up while in labour ‘to look her best’ to newborn

https://www.scmp.com/news/people-culture/article/3292504/china-mum-criticised-applying-make-while-labour-look-her-best-newborn?utm_source=rss_feed

A young mother in China has drawn criticism for applying makeup during labour because she wanted to look her best and present a positive image to her newborn.

The controversy grew out of a recent trending online video the mother, surnamed Jia, from Taiyuan, Shanxi province, in northern China, posted online.

The video shows her enduring labour contractions while urgently applying makeup. Despite her discomfort, she persevered, occasionally pausing to take deep breaths.

The video begins with the caption: “Contractions have started, so I’m quickly doing my makeup to meet my baby.”

It then shows her completing a full makeup routine, including foundation, concealer, eyeliner, and fake eyelashes.

At one point, while struggling to manage the pain as she applies blush, she encourages herself by saying: “The contractions are here, but as long as I can move, I’ll keep doing my makeup. Blush is non-negotiable!”

As her labour pains intensify and her breathing becomes more difficult, even bringing a nearby family member for comfort, she steadfastly continues to apply her fake eyelashes.

While doing so she declares: “A strong Chinese woman never backs down, fake eyelashes are essential!”

Her look completed with lip gloss, as she proudly says: “Glossy lips are the ultimate youthful touch! I am the most fabulous mum-to-be in China.”

In an interview with Qilu Evening News on December 25, Jia explained that she wanted to welcome her baby at her best.

“I wanted to be beautiful and meticulous because I’ve been wearing makeup throughout my pregnancy. I planned early on to welcome my baby with my best look and spirit,” she said.

“If it was a spur-of-the-moment decision, there would not have been such motivation because it was really painful” she added.

Jia insisted that makeup is a reflection of a person’s mental state and positivity. However, she opted to remove her makeup before the baby was delivered.

She also advised other mothers to avoid makeup during labour because doctors rely partly on facial clues to monitor a patient’s health effectively.

Her pursuit of beauty sparked a heated debate on mainland social media.

One person joked: “Sister, with this kind of determination, I believe you can succeed at anything!”

“As a medical student, I do not recommend wearing makeup during labour. Doctors need to assess your condition through facial signs like lip color,” said another.

A third critic said: “Being at your best for your baby? A newborn cannot even tell! This seems to be more for the camera.”

[Sport] The year China's famous road-tripping 'auntie' found freedom

https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cr4rkz5nz69o

Su Min

Su Min

Su Min

Su Min

Getty Images

Could sea goddess Mazu connect atheist mainland China with believer Taiwan?

https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/3293403/could-sea-goddess-mazu-connect-atheist-mainland-china-believer-taiwan?utm_source=rss_feed

Fujian province has become a test bed for mainland China’s push for economic, social and political integration with Taiwan. In this story – the last in a four-part on-the-ground – Amber Wang looks at the sea goddess revered on both sides of the Taiwan Strait.

Chinese President Xi Jinping and Taiwanese leader William Lai Ching-te may disagree on a long list of issues – from politics to economics and history – but both place great value on Mazu, the sea goddess venerated on both sides of the Taiwan Strait.

Since the 1990s and his days as governor of Fujian, the mainland province directly facing the island of Taiwan, Xi has repeatedly hailed the political and economic values represented by Mazu culture.

During his governorship, Xi allocated 2 million yuan (US$274,000) for a public square on Meizhou – the small island near the coast where the woman behind the Mazu legend was born – “so that more Taiwan compatriots will come”.

Meanwhile Lai, from Taiwan’s independence-leaning Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), has described himself as a Mazu devotee from childhood who frequently prays in her temples for Taiwan’s “stability”.

Lai, whom Beijing regards as a dangerous separatist, also chose a Mazu temple as the venue for a speech delivered during his campaign for the leadership in September 2023, in which he called for peace with the mainland.

Despite the shared admiration of Mazu’s qualities – the goddess attracts more than 200,000 visitors from Taiwan to Fujian’s Meizhou Island each year – she has also lately become a source of cross-strait tension.

In Beijing’s view, the veneration of Mazu is an opportunity to strengthen recognition of traditional Chinese culture among Taiwanese and it is investing heavily to encourage this.

Lai’s DPP – which has pushed for the island’s identity to be separate from the mainland – has labelled the effort as being politically motivated, amounting in some cases to interference in Taiwanese elections – charges repeatedly denied by Beijing.

The legend of Mazu is based on a woman said to have lived on Meizhou Island in the 10th century who dedicated herself to helping her community, which largely depended on fishing for its livelihood.

The story goes that because she did not cry when she was born, she was named Lin Moniang, which means silent girl. She is said to have been able to predict the weather, often advising her neighbours on whether it was safe to set out for sea.

According to the legend, the woman who became known as the sea goddess Mazu died aged 28 while trying to rescue people from a shipwreck. Temples were built in her honour and she was venerated as a goddess for her acts of compassion and protection.

In the centuries that followed, Mazu became the most influential deity in the coastal areas on both sides of the strait – including the mainland’s Zhejiang and Guangdong provinces, as well as Fujian and Taiwan – where she is believed to protect fishermen and sailors.

Mazu – also spelled Matsu – was recognised as an “intangible cultural heritage of humanity” by the United Nations in 2009. She also has followers in Southeast Asia and East Asia, such as in Malaysia and Japan.

But nowhere does she enjoy the level of devotion she inspires in Taiwan, where she is worshipped by nearly two-thirds of the population, making her the most popular deity on the island.

Mazu’s birthday, which falls around March 23 in the lunar calendar, is a day of grand processions and offerings at the more than 3,000 temples in Taiwan that are dedicated to her.

Known as the “March Mazu craze”, the festival draws millions of people each year, making it Taiwan’s largest religious event. It is also attended by Taiwanese politicians, regardless of their party’s position.

While Lai has visited Mazu temples at least four times since winning the January 2024 election, he is just one of many of the Taiwanese politicians to have presented themselves as devotees of the goddess.

His DPP predecessor, Tsai Ing-wen, prayed on multiple occasions at Mazu temples. And when Foxconn founder Terry Gou announced his intention to run in Taiwan’s 2020 election, he said it was because the goddess had told him to in a dream.

Lin Meng-jung, a Taiwanese professor at the Mazu Culture Institute at Putian College, Fujian, said the temples in Taiwan had become stages for the island’s election candidates to present their political platforms.

“Mazu temples have also become venues where politicians engage with the public, connect with the people, and vie for voter support,” she said, adding that Taiwan’s residents “have always had a deep and profound devotion” to the goddess.

According to Lin, Taiwanese people have an “absolute emotional and cultural recognition” of the goddess – a view echoed by Wang Shuhua, who moved from Taiwan to Meizhou Island and volunteers with her husband in the Mazu temple there.

“Look, some of these people are ‘green’,” said Wang, referring to DPP supporters. “But they also come here to worship Mazu, don’t they? On the surface, they criticise the mainland but privately they are drawn to this place.”

Centuries of pilgrimage from Taiwan to Meizhou were interrupted after China’s civil war ended in 1949. Taipei lifted its ban on travel to the mainland in 1987, allowing family visits to resume, but on strict conditions.

On May 6, 1989, a total of 20 fishing boats left Nantian Temple in Taiwan’s Yilan county for Meizhou, without the required prior approval from the island’s still authoritarian government. The 224 passengers had decided to risk the voyage to make offerings of incense to the goddess.

“This is what people’s hearts long for – a kind of spiritual refuge, a return to the most authentic and original place,” said Wang, whose father captained one of the boats and was sentenced by the Taiwanese authorities to 15 days in jail.

The crossing, which marked the first direct voyage across the Taiwan Strait in 40 years, was followed by many more such journeys and the numbers are expected to keep rising.

Lin said that pilgrimages from Taiwan to Meizhou Island were set to become “even more active”, with Taiwanese places of worship motivated to connect with the mother temple and a mainland effort to attract them that was proving “effective”.

For years, mainland Chinese officials have sought to make best use of the cross-strait bond, referring to worship of the goddess as “Mazu culture” within the largely atheist official narrative and acknowledging its importance in exchanges with Taiwan.

In 2011, when he was vice-president, Xi told Fujian officials to “fully harness” the important role of Mazu culture when promoting cross-strait exchanges and cooperation.

Under Xi’s leadership, as part of Beijing’s efforts to draw Taiwan closer, Mazu-related events have been actively encouraged and were included in a 21-point guideline issued in September 2023 on the integration of the island with Fujian.

According to an SCMP tally, leaders from at least 25 Mazu temples and associations from various regions in Taiwan visited the Meizhou Island temple in December alone.

In October this year, more than a thousand devotees from over a hundred temples in Taiwan attended a grand ceremony at the Meizhou temple, according to its official social media account as well as local news reports.

Beijing is aiming for more, as the veneration of Mazu remains a rare instance of vibrant cross-strait cultural exchange amid tensions over trade, geopolitics and people-to-people exchanges between Beijing and Taipei.

Song Tao, director of Beijing’s Taiwan Affairs Office (TAO), has called for joint efforts to foster the spiritual connection between the two sides of the strait, while hitting out at “Taiwan independence forces” for promoting de-sinicisation.

But across the strait, the DPP has viewed the mainland’s promotion of Mazu culture – along with student exchanges and tourism – with suspicion, preferring to promote a distinctive Taiwanese identity through various campaigns and reforms.

Just two months before its January 2024 leadership election, Taipei rejected an application from Fujian for a Mazu-related activity in Taiwan, a decision that was slammed by Beijing’s TAO as “disrespectful” to the sea goddess.

A month later – and closer to the general election’s finish line – Taipei’s Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) accused Beijing of interfering with the vote through religious and other means.

Beijing has repeatedly denied that it has ever intervened in Taiwan’s elections.

In June, the MAC elaborated on the accusation and said Beijing had been using the Mazu temples since 2000 as tools to rally support, especially in southern Taiwan, the DPP’s power base.

MAC spokesman Liang Wen-chieh said at the time that Taipei was closely monitoring Mazu-related cross-strait activities that involved “less-than-normal exchanges”.

In May, a quantitative study by Taiwanese academics found a “significant relationship” between pro-mainland electoral votes and the veneration of Mazu in urban areas.

According to the study, published by Foreign Policy Analysis, the researchers identified a link between the density of urban temples in the Taiwanese port city of Kaohsiung and the share of residents who endorsed the Beijing-friendly Kuomintang party in the election.

Lin – who dismissed most of the comments from Taipei as “election rhetoric” that had little impact on the Taiwanese public – noted that both sides of the Taiwan Strait had “political agendas” regarding Mazu.

Not everyone agrees. Xie Wenju – a devotee who organised a visit to Meizhou in November for more than 170 people from Taiwan’s Changhua county – said the trip had nothing to do with politics.

It was “simply a journey to worship Mazu and express gratitude to her”, Xie said. “We each have our freedom to believe as we choose, while politics is a separate issue that everyone can hold their different perspectives.”

Some Taiwanese are receptive to the political message that is becoming part of Mazu culture. Among them is Wang’s husband Rao Ruihe, who lives and volunteers with her on Meizhou Island.

“Mazu helped the mainland several times in reclaiming Taiwan throughout history,” said Rao, referring to a long list of events of which the best remembered was led by the Ming dynasty general Zheng Chenggong.

In 1661, on Mazu’s birthday, Zheng launched a campaign that expelled Dutch colonists from Taiwan, taking a statue of the goddess on board his warship for her protection and blessings.

For centuries, Zheng has been hailed as a national hero on the mainland and officials continue to pay tribute to him – including Xi who in 1997, as deputy party chief of Fujian, chaired a conference marking the 335th anniversary of the event.

“Zheng Chenggong’s reclamation of Taiwan is a glorious flag for the career of national unification,” said Xi at the time.